Discussion:
Troubled Tribal: Sid Harth
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Sid Harth
2009-10-09 16:39:05 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/323698_Maoists-received-foreign-funds-through-NGO--says-police

09 Oct 2009, 22:6 HRS IST
Maoists received foreign funds through NGO, says police
STAFF WRITER 21:49 HRS IST

Kolkata, Oct 9 (PTI) Maoists received foreign funds through an NGO in
the name of development, West Bengal DGP Bhupinder Singh alleged
today.

'The foreign funds were received by the Tribal Welfare Fund from an
NGO for development purpose and a portion of this was diverted to the
Maoists,' Singh told reporters at the state secretariat today.

The DGP also said several foreign-made arms were recovered from
Maoists at different places.

Singh said different political parties had connections with the
Lalgarh movement. The Maoists as well as Trinamool Congress had
connections with Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee which had
spearheaded an agitation against the government's land acquisition
drive in Nandigram, sparking largescale violence.

The DGP charged Trinamool Congress leader Nishikanta Mondal, who was
killed in Nandigram, had connection with Maoists.

Asked if Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee was a target of
Maoists, the DGP said 'I don't have any such information.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-09 16:43:22 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/323680_Seven-Maoists-held-in-Khammam-district-of-AP

Seven Maoists held in Khammam district of AP
STAFF WRITER 21:42 HRS IST

Bhadrachalam (AP), Oct 9 (PTI) Seven members of CPI (Maoist) including
a deputy commander were arrested today by police in Khammam district.

The police also recovered three landmines, two claymore mines, 50 kg
gelatin and 25 metre wire bundle from them.

The arrested are identified as K Chalamaiah, deputy commander of
Chandranna Protection platoon, K Pullaiah, the armed ultra commander
from Kurnapalli village of Charla mandal in Khammam district and D
Raghupathi, platoon member of KKW division, Bhadrachalam ASP Raghunath
Reddy told reporters.

K Pullaiah participated in the September 14 State Bank of Hyderabad
robbery at Satyanarayanappuram in Charla mandal, the police officer
said adding he was a part of the forty-member Maoist group that
committed about Rs 10 lakh robbery last month.

Pullaiah is also involved in eleven offences including four murders in
Charla police station area in the past one-and-a-half years, Reddy
said.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-09 17:05:53 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/323328_Anti-naxal-plan--Centre-allots-Rs-7-300-cr-package

Anti-naxal plan: Centre allots Rs 7,300 cr package
STAFF WRITER 19:42 HRS IST

New Delhi, Oct 9 (PTI) With nearly 40,000 para-military personnel
being deployed in four Maoist-hit states, the Centre has readied its
anti-naxal plan which also includes Rs 7,300 crore package for
unleashing developmental works in areas cleared off the Left-wing
extremists.

As part of its "holistic" anti-naxal plan, the funds would be
disbursed in this fiscal and spent over a span of three years in those
areas where the naxals were driven out.

The key difference in current strategy is that the government will
have a heavy concentration of security forces to ensure elimination of
the naxals and restoration of civil administration.

"We hope that literally within 30 days of security forces moving in
and dominating the area, we should be able to restore civil
administration there," Home Secretary G K Pillai told reporters here.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-09 17:09:50 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/323315_Govt-has-run-out-of-ideas-how-to-fight-naxals--BJP

Govt has run out of ideas how to fight naxals: BJP
STAFF WRITER 19:38 HRS IST

New Delhi, Oct 9 (PTI) Expressing "extreme concern" over increase in
naxal violence in the country, BJP today said growing magnitude of
their activity shows government has "run out of ideas" in meeting the
threat and demanded the Prime Minister should hold wider political
consultations on it.

"The BJP is extremely concerned as the magnitude of naxal operations
has expanded and is entering territories beyond those of conventional
Maoist activity," Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha Arun
Jaitley said.

He said the covert nature of naxal operations, which has taken the
authorities by surprise several times, points towards "intelligence
failure and limited activity" against them by the government.

"The way Home Minister P Chidambaram speaks on the issue with so much
generality, shows the government has run out of ideas (to deal with
the menace).

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-09 17:12:19 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/2_maharashtra_cops_injured_in_encounter_with_naxals.php

Maharashtra: 18 cops killed in Naxal encounter

NDTV Correspondent, Thursday October 8, 2009, Gadhchiroli

A file picture shows the soldiers of the special forces at work in the
same area in Gadhchiroli a few days ago.

Eighteen policemen have died in an encounter with Naxals in North
Eastern Maharashtra, bordering Chhattisgarh. The men were on patrol
duty near Laheri village. The firing between the police and the Naxals
lasted for three hours.

All 18 were Commandos of the special anti-Naxal force C 60. Their
bodies have been recovered and are on their way to Gadchiroli.
Helicopters went there to try and get the bodies out.

The BSF has been deployed in the area.

Naxals have killed two police informers in the past week -- one farm
labourer was killed last night, another on October 2.

A Naxal group also exchanged fire with a police commando team east of
Laheri village on Thursday afternoon.

The police says that additional forces have been sent to the area, but
this is heavily-forested terrain, and will be hard to access.

The bloodbath, according to officials, could be a show of strength for
the Naxals as Maharashtra gets ready to vote for its next government.
Politicians have been warned not to campaign in this area.

The attack comes just two days after a Senior Inspector in Jharkhand
was found beheaded by Naxals. He had been kidnapped last week.

Spread over 40,000 square kilometers 20 states, in what's come to be
known as India's Red Corridor, Naxals are repeatedly described as the
biggest internal security threat to the country.

Home Minister P Chidambaram has warned, "As long as the Maoists
believe in armed liberation, we have no choice but to ask security
forces to them take and engage them."

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-09 20:39:49 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/newdelhi/BJP-slams-Rahul-Cong-for-linking-poverty-with-naxalism/Article1-463347.aspx

BJP slams Rahul, Cong for linking 'poverty with naxalism'
Press Trust Of India
New Delhi, October 09, 2009

First Published: 23:51 IST(9/10/2009)
Last Updated: 23:53 IST(9/10/2009)

Slamming the Centre for failing to check Maoist violence, BJP on
Friday said Rahul Gandhi had "in a way supported naxalism" by blaming
poverty and government apathy for the menace and charged Congress with
trying to "politicise issues related to national security".

"Congress has tried to to politicise issues related to national
security... Rahul Gandhi had in a way supported naxalism by blaming
poverty and government apathy for the menace.

"Such contradictory statements by the Congress high command put a
question mark on the government's efforts to deal with the situation,"
BJP spokesperson Rajiv Pratap Rudy said.

He wondered whether Congress was working for its vested interests by
linking naxalism with poverty.

The violent incidents in West Bengal's Lalgarh indicate that Congress
and Trinamool Congress and "direct or indirect links with Maoists",
Rudy said in a statement.

"While expressing sorrow at the death of 16 policemen in Maharashtra,
BJP would like to ask Home Minister P Chidambaram about the fate of
the stern action he had assured against naxalites," Rudy said.

He said despite the assurance given by the Prime Minister and the Home
Minister to deal with the crisis, naxals have continued with their
acts of violence, thereby "challenging" the government machinery.

In a veiled attack on non-Congress parties ruling states, Rahul Gandhi
said in Kerala on October 7 that "inability" of the state governments
concerned to reach out to people was one of the reasons behind spread
of naxalism.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-09 20:42:29 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/bihar/Maoists-train-to-face-elite-forces/Article1-463351.aspx

Maoists train to face elite forces
Ramashankar and Om Prakash, Hindustan Times
Patna/Aurangabad, October 09, 2009

First Published: 23:59 IST(9/10/2009)
Last Updated: 00:05 IST(10/10/2009)

The Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA), a specialised
paramilitary force raised to take on Maoists, could face stiff
resistance from guerrillas of the outlawed CPI (Maoist).

The Maoists have begun imparting specialised training to their cadre
in the forests of Bihar’s Gaya and Aurangabad districts.

Armed with sophisticated weapons, instructors from Andhra Pradesh,
Chhattisgarh and Nepal are training members of the People’s Liberation
for Guerrilla Army, said Amarjeet Advani, 35, a Maoist leader, in
Aurangabad to participate in an event commemorating the fifth
anniversary of the merger of the Maoist Communist Centre with People’s
War.

CoBRA is a specialised unit of the Central Reserve Police Force, one
of the best-equipped in the country.

Set up last year with a grant of Rs 1,300 crore from the government,
CoBRA members are armed with light mortars, machine guns, rocket
launchers, INSAS rifles, FN 35 and Glock pistols, Heckler & Koch MP5
submachine guns and Carl Gustav recoilless rifles.

Advani said retired personnel of the Indian Army and the central
paramilitary force had been hired to train the recruits. “We have
weapons like INSAS rifles, AK-47s and self-loading rifles, apart from
a big cache of explosives and detonators. Most of these have been
snatched from the police.”

The government had recently announced the deployment of one CoBRA
company (of 130 soldiers) in Gaya, 100 km south of Patna, to check the
growing Maoist influence in the state.

Maoist violence has claimed the lives of more than 200 security
personnel this year in Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Bihar,
Maharashtra and West Bengal. Around 700 civilians have also been
killed in the same period.

Aurangabad Superintendent of Police N.K. Tiwary said there were no
training camps of the Maoists in the district.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-09 20:52:14 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/editorial-views-on/edits/The-need-to-recapture-India/Article1-462744.aspx

The need to recapture India
Hindustan Times
October 08, 2009

First Published: 20:42 IST(8/10/2009)
Last Updated: 21:01 IST(8/10/2009)

India is at war with its own people. It doesn’t sound nice; it may
even smack of exaggeration. But the truth is that under the flag of an
extremist ideology, various factions of Naxalism had declared a war
against the Indian State quite some time ago. Now it’s up to the
Indian State to take them on and rid the country of their violent
actions, no matter what they deem to call this purging exercise. The
murder by decapitation of Inspector Francis Induwar that came to light
earlier this week has left the nation jolted. Without taking away an
iota of the horror of this death, however, such instances of brutal
violence against fellow Indians have failed to make the Indian State
go after the Naxals on a war footing.

The guerrilla tactics of the Naxal extremists already make for an
asymmetrical war in which the all-visible behemoth of the State and
its various representatives are ‘enemy targets’ while the State finds
itself fighting against a shape-shifting chimera. But to add to this
disadvantage is the plight of our police force that is not only badly
prepared to protect people, but ill-equipped to even hold their own
ground. In the light of recent developments, Home Minister P.
Chidambaram has hinted that the armed forces, till now kept largely
out of this arena, could enter this battle — after an Indian Air Force
helicopter was reportedly fired at by Naxal forces a few weeks ago in
Chhattisgarh. The Naxals have already claimed that they are ready for
the major offensive being planned by the Indian government. The
statement from the extremists that they have set up special training
camps and obtained sophisticated weapons — as so proudly displayed
during the Maoist siege of Lalgarh, West Bengal, in June — is no
standard wake-up call. It is a call to arms. After deliberations, the
Indian Air Force has wisely said that it will not indulge in any
‘Rambo operations’. The last thing the State needs at this crucial
stage is to engage in knee-jerk operations or set the stage yet again
for an underwhelming approach to tackling Naxal terror.

The cause for today’s so-called ‘ultra-Left’ violent movement is some
60 years of the Indian State walking away from large swathes of its
own territory and abandoning a generation of its own people. That
vacuum was bound to be occupied by some kind of opportunistic group or
the other, the vast disparities in development, rights and
opportunities making one particular kind finding it relatively easy to
take matters into their own hands. These lost tracts, as well as
hearts and minds, must be part of the Indian success story. But first,
they must be reclaimed.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-10 07:22:18 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/guwahati/Assam-shuts-down-in-mourning/articleshow/5094691.cms

Assam shuts down in mourning
Simang Diamary & Rishu kalantri, TNN 6 October 2009, 10:35pm IST

KOKRAJHAR/TINSUKIA: Life stood still in both lower and upper Assam on
Tuesday to mourn the 12 lives lost to militants' bullets. A statewide
bandh was called by All Assam Gorkha Students Union (Aagsu) and All
Tea Tribes Students Association (Attsa) in protest against the mass
murder by rebels of NDFB's anti-talks faction at Bhimajuli in Sonitpur
district on Sunday.

National Highway 31(C), running through lower Assam, wore a deserted
look with the strike affecting the movement of vehicles to
neighbouring Bhutan. Long-distance travellers to Bhutan and West
Bengal suffered, too, as many vehicles were stranded for hours on the
highway. Later, some vehicles plied under cover of security convoys.
However, train services were not affected. The bandh had no effect in
Guwahati.

Shopkeepers downed their shutters in Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa and
Udalguri districts. Government offices and banks in Kokrajhar and
Gossaigaon were also shut down even as no major untoward incident was
reported.

In Tinsukia, after a spate of early morning violence like forcibly
shutting down of shops and breaking of windshields of a few vehicles
life was paralyzed. Barring a few schools and government offices, all
shops, offices, banks and other business establishments remained
closed. There was hardly any traffic in Tinsukia town.

In other parts of Tinsukia district, like Margherita, Digboi,
Doomdooma, Makum and Bordubi, there were reports of sporadic clashes.
Police detained over 50 picketeers from different parts of the
district.

In Dibrugarh, the response to the bandh was partial. Several shops,
offices, schools, and even banks, remained open.

Aagsu president Dil Bahadur Limbu and secretary Tharka Adhikari
condemned the killings and termed the incident a cowardly act. The two
Gorkha leaders demanded immediate arrest of the culprits. Attsa
general secretary Pallab Lochan Das said the murders were a result of
a total failure of the Congress government. "Even after 48 hours since
the cold-blooded murders, not a single culprit has been held. The
common man is not safe in the rule of Congress," he added.

Ulfa pro-talks leader Mrinal Hazarika also condemned the killing of
innocent civilians by the Ranjan Daimary-led NDFB group and termed it
"inhuman". He said, "We cannot tolerate such incidents and demand
strict action by the government against the militants who are behind
the attack."

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-10 13:40:33 UTC
Permalink
http://countercurrents.org/rawat081009.htm

Caste And Land : Message From
Chengara And Khagaria

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

08 October, 2009
www.Countercurrents.org

At the United Nation’s Human Rights Council the member countries, much
to the dismay of the faithful Babus of the government of India, passed
a resolution terming caste system as a discrimination and violation of
human rights. This is an important event though the Human Rights
Council off late has become victim of religious right wing elements
working in the name of multiculturalism. We all know this council has
passed many such resolutions which violate fundamental principal of
secularism, freedom of expression and life beyond religious values.
However, in terms of issue of caste, one hopes that such resolution
will at least force government of India not to oppose such things in
future and accept the dark realities of castes in India.

We all know that UN resolutions do not work much. At the end the
battle for dignity and equality has to be fought in India and by the
people involved. Two important incidents happened in India with far
reaching consequences. One was the killing of 16 farmers belonging to
Kurmi community allegedly by the Mushahars in Khagaria, Bihar and
second the ‘successful’ ‘culmination’ of Chengara land struggle in
Kerala. Coming days would be important to understand the ramification
of both the incidents.

Khagaria’s killings have been highly unfortunate and need condemnation
yet if the reports of radicalization of Mushahars are true then there
is a need of introspection.

They remain one of the most isolated and ostracized community in India
and there are many such communities who remain completely marginal.
They neither have political representation nor know anything of
governance structure. The bureaucracy dominated by the caste Hindus do
not even consider them as human being. India was among the first
countries to have enacted some of the ‘change making’ laws, a secular
constitution, equal rights but Indian villages do not portray the same
reality of life. In fact, they remain caged in ‘different’ nations
where each caste is a nation as described by V.T.Rajshekar, the
formidable editor of Dalit voice. These castes do not even talk to
each other and the talks of Bahujan and broader Dalit alliance is
actually a political construct because very little has been done to
culturally integrate with each other. A number of people feel easier
to assimilate themselves with caste Hindus then to siding with the
other marginalized communities considered to be below them.

And in such a scenario the votaries of Bahujan should understand that
their work is much bigger than what they think. By merely chanting
anti brahmanical mantra would not work as it has not worked in the
absence of discussion the differences between the different
communities. One has to understand that in the absence of an
ideological clarity no coming together would succeed and would be
easily co-opted and misused by the powerful. A mere political
coalition would meet the same fate as happened to Mulayam-Maywati
coming together and later the efforts by Nitish Kumar in Bihar, who
created term Mahadalit to forge a combination with his power community
of Kurmis. One need to understand that these political terminologies
are more for the consumption of the political class and do not mean
anything beyond electoral politics. When the Samajawadi party and BSP
came together, it never meant that the Dalits and backward communities
particularly the chamars and Yadavs would socialize more. Some people
felt but it was not possible unless the backward castes debrahminise
themselves. Similar thing happened in Bihar where the Kurmis first
thought of Mahadalit as a counter to Muslim-Yadav-Dusadh politics of
Laloo and Ramvilas Paswan. In his zeal to divide the Dalits and reap a
good harvest, Nitish Kumar appointed a commission to assess the need
of the Mahadalits in Bihar. The commission headed by One senior
bureaucrat Mr Bandhopadhyaya has submitted its recommendation but the
government of Bihar is not keen to present the report in the assembly.
Now, the worst things are emerging after Khagaria killings. Initially,
the government blamed it on the Naxals but later reports coming in the
Indian Express suggested it was an intern caste land dispute and the
Mushahars had been demanding land redistribution. The dark fact from
UP, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh and Tamilnadu are
that most of the village land, which is called as government land or
Panchayat land in different states, is illegally grabbed the local
powerful communities. Hence, when we talk of land reform and
implementation of ceiling laws, how the farming communities go jittery
and the fictitious unity in the name of Bahujan breaks. The Kurmis
have now warned chief Minister Nitish Kumar not to ‘appease’ the
Mushahars. ‘How dare they do it?’ The fear among them is that if the
Mushahars start questioning about the land ceiling and other acts,
then it would be difficult to contain their anger. So for the vote
bank the concept of Bahujan bite dust. At the end, it is your caste
that matter so if you lose the caste support then the human rights
values and all the concerns for the ‘poor dalits’ disappear.

While reports from Bihar suggests concern, another report is emerging
from Chengara, in Kerala where the movement for the land rights of the
people has culminated in an agreement between the government and
Sadhujana Vimochana Samyuktha Vedi led by Laha Gopalan and one can
understand how the pink dailies of the country had a sigh of relief
terming it one of the biggest victory through Ahimsa in recent years.
Even we all know that Laha Gopalan and his organizations had nothing
to do with Gandhi, the authors were ready to propagate his movement as
that of Gandhian struggle. ‘There is every chance of one getting
carried away by the mannerisms of a loser expressed by Laha Gopalan
after the discussion on Monday. But, in reality, it was the expression
of success in a very peculiar way. Chengara struggle was fought on
Ahimsa and won by Ahimsa. The portraits of Buddha and Ambedkar that
were seen everywhere in the Chengara struggle heartland were the real
driving force behind Laha Gopalan and team. After living in penury for
795 days and sacrificing 13 precious lives, the Sadhhujana Vimochana
Samyuktha Vedi could make the Government of Kerala bite the dust. The
biggest difference between the Muthanga struggle led by C.K.Janu and
Geethanandan and the Chengara struggle led by Laha Gopalan is the
result. The Muthanga agitators are still fighting for their promised
piece of land while Chengara strikers could fetch a timebound
assurance from the Chief Minister that the promises will be fulfilled
in three months’ wrote an ‘expert’ in ‘Financial Express’, yesterday.

Now, we all know the Dalits and tribal have been treated worst in the
so called left governments whether it is West Bengal or Kerala because
they say that they do not belive in caste system hence it does not
exist. If people remember well, the way CPI(M) government in Kerala
had gone overboard on this issue to avoid a replication of Nandigram.
Discussion with activists and friends in Chengara suggest that the
government and political parties have done every effort to divide the
Dalit movement which was growing and Chengara’s land struggle actually
changed the entire situation. For the first time, we witness the
Dalits, tribal and other community’s landless people fighting
together. They have been altogether these years but now the
government’s decision to distribute land has to be seen from a
different angle. When everybody of the 1400 odd families fought
together for their land right, why is that the compensation is
different for different communities. Clear enough, the government and
political parties in Kerala are afraid of an independent Dalit-tribal
unity. The mainstream political parties always want the Dalits and
tribal to be their tail-enders.

Laha Gopalan himself admitted that he was forced to compromise. One
has to understand the psychology of the powerful communities in India.
All the upper caste forces united under different names in Kerala
against Chengara struggle. Even the Christian upper castes of Kottayam
and Pathannamitththa were not interested in the struggle. Trade unions
( and our revolutionary friends are very much in owe with the dirty
politics of trade unions) joined hand and created a blockade against
the people of Chengara. If the Hindutva and Congress created a
Salwajudam to get the tribal fight each others in Chhatishgarh, the
government of Kerala used trade union of all political parties to
create an unlawful blockade against the people of Chengara. One need
to see the similar situation which existed in West Bengal when the
Sweepers of Howrah municipal corporation, who used to live in 200
years old Belilius park, were thrown away by the state police and none
of the political parties in Bengal came in support of these people.
Over 7000 families are living in utter humiliation in West Bengal.
Every time, one visit to such a state, it does not look different then
Gujarat if you want to speak a language different than the CPM
people.

Hence the newspapers may write about a victory of Chengara struggle
but it is a careful manipulation by the government. It has already
asked three months time to give the Dalits and tribal some land.
Problem arise, when they are already occupying land which is actually
government land as the state must redistribute the ceiling surplus
land, where else they can send these people. The land supposed to be
given to these people in lieu of leaving the Harrison Plantation would
be abysmally low and will not alter any power equations in Kerala.
Moreover, activists doubt the availability of land in Kerala. If
government is really bothered it must redistribute land in Kerala. Lot
of talks about redistribution and ‘progressive’ ‘communist’ government
in Kerala but the fact of the matter is the Dalit-Adivasi assertion in
Kerala has been successfully countered by the mainstream political
parties. First they sidelined Gauri Amma, a powerful backward caste
leader and now Laha Gopalan has been successfully brought to the so-
called negotiation table to give them peanuts. Perhaps, the Marxists
are full of new ideas where they can send these people to different
locations and destroy the movement. Activists are fearing that a
police action is eminent as there are different fractions in Chengara
and not all would like to leave the place. Secondly, none of them know
where they will get the plot of land. It is unlikely that people would
leave the place without getting rehabilitation.

Both the Bihar and Kerala experience shows how the governments which
are in power have used particular ideological formulations to build
their own political empire and how they manipulate people’s
sentiments. Such stories are emerging from everywhere and they will
always happen as long as the movements are not democratic and their
leaders embedded with a particular formulation dictate their fancies
to the people. The condition of both the Dalits and Adivasis remain a
matter of concern in all these states whether they come to power in
the name of social justice or Marxism.

When those who claim to stick to the values of social justice and
power to proletariat find it difficult to implement land reform and
succumb to big industrial houses, hand over state forest, land and
water to these big companies without asking the local people and their
Panchayats, the impact would be wider and people are not going to sit
silently. Governments over the years, have flouted norms developed by
them including famous Samatha Judgment where the Supreme Court fixed
up guidelines to take permission from the local tribal Panchayats.
Yet, the political class continues on selling spree without any shame.

India’s power politics goes via land and participation in power. Land
is the most important tool in bringing radical changes in our social
structure based on hierarchical values. Historically Dalits have been
denied right to own property and access to land. Adivasis had their
land in the forest yet isolated and illegally grabbed by local feudal
castes. Now the companies have their eyes on it. The political class
is using the majoritarian parliamentary system for the benefit of its
use, making leaders as messiah who distributes hard cash and liquor
during the polls. The depressing scenario is that most of them have
billions of rupees to use foul practices to get elected. The
democratic system has failed resulting in utter chaos. If those in
power use ‘sama, dama, dand, bhed, to destroy people’s movement, there
will be further chaos as people are not going to leave their places
and it will be a leaderless condition everywhere, very difficult to
contain. Hopefully, those who believe in social justice and power to
the people, would do the needful, at least justifying their ideology
when they are in power. Both Bihar and Kerala need to act immediately,
implement land ceiling laws fairly. There will be opposition to it by
powerful communities, political interest groups but then international
and national laws can not be circumvented to make a few communities
and their political leaders happy at the cost of social justice and
human rights.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-10 18:36:52 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/sunday-toi/special-report/How-India-flip-flopped-over-caste-and-race-at-the-UN/articleshow/5085180.cms

How India flip-flopped over caste and race at the UN
Manoj Mitta, TNN 4 October 2009, 12:32am IST

The latest session of the UN Human Rights Council, which concluded on
Mahatma Gandhi's birth anniversary, has challenged India's 13-year-old
A Brahmin priest in 24 Parganas in West Bengal forbids non-Brahmins
from crossing his path as he carries the 'Narayana Shila', a stone
worshipped as Lord Narayana.

More Pictures

position on caste. This is because of Nepal's unexpected endorsement
of a proposal to expand the definition of descent-based discrimination
to include caste.

India's predicament may be bad. But it is worsened by its shifting
position on equating caste with race as a form of descent-based
discrimination. India spared no effort to keep caste out of the
resolution adopted at the 2001 Durban conference against racism. But
there was a time it insisted -- at another UN forum – on the
similarity between caste and race. But that was more than 40 years ago
and it was a time when India was upholding the Mahatma's legacy and
was in the forefront of the international campaign against apartheid
in South Africa.

Here are India's flip-flops on caste as a form of descent-based
discrimination:

- In 1965, India proposed the historic amendment to introduce descent
in the "Convention on Elimination of all forms of Racial
Discrimination" or CERD. It cited its own experience with caste. K C
Pant moved the amendment as a member of the Indian delegation and
admitted that "certain groups, though of the same racial stock and
ethnic origin as their fellow citizens, had for centuries been
relegated by the caste system to a miserable and downtrodden
condition".

- In 1996, India performed a somersault when it submitted its CERD
report. It insisted that caste, though perpetuated through descent,
was "not based on race" and therefore did not come under the
Convention's purview. It freed itself of any "reporting obligation" on
the situation of Dalits and tribals. It said it was prepared to
provide information about them only "as a matter of courtesy". But the
CERD panel maintained that descent "does not solely refer to race" and
that the situation of Dalits and tribals "falls within scope of the
Convention."

- At the 2001 Durban conference against racism, former Supreme Court
judge K Ramaswamy, himself a Dalit, dissented from the Indian
government position in his speech as a member of India's Human Rights
Commission. "It is not so much the nomenclature of the form of
discrimination that must engage our attention but the fact of its
persistence that must cause concern," he said. He added that "the
debate on whether race and caste are co-terminus or similar forms of
discrimination is not the essence of the matter." Government
representative Omar Abdullah contradicted him saying:

"We are firmly of the view that the issue of caste is not an
appropriate subject for discussion at this conference."

- In 2002, just a year on from Durban, the CERD panel issued a
"general recommendation" confirming its interpretation that descent
included "discrimination based on forms of social stratification such
as caste and analogous systems of inherited status, which nullify or
impair their equal enjoyment of human rights."

- In 2009, India's state of self-denial suffered a body blow when the
UN Human Rights Council issued draft principles and guidelines on
discrimination based on work and descent and recognized caste as a
factor. The draft said, "This type of discrimination is typically
associated with the notion of purity and pollution and practices of
untouchability and is deeply rooted in societies and cultures where
this discrimination is practised."

This is the document that Nepal supported, putting India in a fix.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-10 18:43:15 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/opinion/edit-page/Welcome-shift-from-identity-politics/articleshow/5107048.cms

Welcome shift from identity politics
10 October 2009, 12:00am IST

It was bound to happen. The Nehru-Gandhi scion's visits to poor
households in poverty-stricken villages have come under fire from
opponents for being political stunts exploiting caste sentiments.
Given the jaded grammar of politics in our country, it is not
difficult to see why they would think so when the households that
Rahul visited happened to be Dalit. But he has defended himself
vigorously, stating that he does not believe in the caste system, and
that he sees the issue from the perspective of economic deprivation.
This is a necessary move, which has been supported by some of the UPA
government's initiatives. Caste needs to be de-emphasised in the
country's political discourse.

Granted, caste issues are a reality in rural areas. But, while the
perception of caste does exist in urban areas as well, it's economic
issues which hold the key there. And a look at population projections
reveals that the share of the urban population in India is expected to
reach 40 per cent by 2021. By as early as 2011, urban areas could
contribute around 65 per cent of GDP. This is why it becomes necessary
to frame the question of poverty and social backwardness in economic
rather than caste terms. Given the overlap between economic
backwardness and caste in rural areas, focusing on the former will
chip away at the foundations of discrimination based on the latter as
well.

Whatever one might feel about the National Rural Employment Guarantee
Scheme launched by the UPA government, one of its virtues is that it
breaks free from the obsession with caste. But while the political
strategy of the Congress's main opponent in UP, Mayawati, is based on
caste, Rahul's efforts have been based within an economic framework.
Identity politics may have run its course, and caste-based social
engineering is likely to yield diminishing returns at the political
box office. Perhaps the cynicism prevalent in our political system
makes it difficult to believe a genuine attempt to break away from
caste politics. But Rahul deserves the right to make new political
experiments.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-10 21:36:30 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindu.com/2009/10/11/stories/2009101158100100.htm

IAF must have safeguards in place first, says Antony
Special Correspondent

NEW DELHI: Defence Minister A.K. Antony said the Indian Air Force will
have to put in place safeguards and operational details before it gets
the go-ahead from the government to fire in self-defence at naxalites.

“After carefully preparing safeguards and operational details for self-
defence, we will give operational clearance. The IAF will be informed
when we give permission,” the Minister said on the sidelines of an
international flight safety conference here.

The Minister said the government did not want to use the IAF for
combat operation and that there was no proposal to deploy armed forces
in anti-naxalite operations.

The government, he asserted, was clear that internal security remained
the primary responsibility of the State governments and the para-
military and the Centre would extend them required assistance.

“Curb terror groups”

Responding to a question on the developments in Kabul and Rawalpindi,
the Minister said Pakistan should apply its mind sincerely to the task
of acting against terror groups operating from its soil, in its own
interest.

“India is telling always that unless Pakistan acts sincerely [against
terrorists] there is no solution. Still they are not sincere. That is
the problem,” Mr. Antony said.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-10 22:03:31 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/delhi/Many-Naxal-supporters-in-city-say-cops/articleshow/5110490.cms

Many Naxal supporters in city, say cops
Dwaipayan Ghosh, TNN 11 October 2009, 12:10am IST

NEW DELHI: The police on Saturday claimed that investigation after the
arrest of alleged Maoists leader Kobad Ghandy has revealed Maoists
have a number of active supporters within the capital's intellectual
and business community.

"Our investigation has revealed that Ghandy, like Chatradhar Mahato in
West Bengal, received ideological and financial support from a number
of students and businessmen in the city. We have some positive leads
on these people. We are collecting evidence against two businessmen
and one PhD scholar who aided Ghandy in his activities. We may arrest
them soon,'' said a senior police officer.

Sources in the special cell said the PhD student had met Ghandy
several times. "We have evidence to suggest that crucial evidences
including laptops and hard disks and CDs were removed from the
Badarpur hideout by this student,'' added the officer.

The police said that during interrogation, Ghandy has told them about
the channels from where the armed wing of CPI (Maoists) was getting
financial help. But on the matter of Francis Induwar, the slained
Jharkhand cop who was abducted by Naxalites to seek release of senior
Maoist leaders, Ghandy has kept quite. "He often talks about his
ideology in the middle of the interrogation to evade our questions,''
said the police officer.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-11 06:26:46 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/325142_Naxal-violence-claims-2-600-lives-in-three-years

Naxal violence claims 2,600 lives in three years
STAFF WRITER 9:35 HRS IST

New Delhi, Oct 11 (PTI) The Naxalites, who have become the gravest
internal security threat forcing the Centre to plan an all-out
offensive against them, have killed more than 2,600 people, including
civilians, in the last three years.

The highest number of incidents of violence has taken place in four
worst-affected states -- Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand and Orissa --
where 2,212 people lost their lives from January 2006 to August this
year.

"We have witnessed more than 5,800 incidents of Naxal violence across
the country during the period forcing the government to announce a new
strategy to deal with the menace which is growing at an alarming pace
in many states," a Home Ministry official said.

In Chhattisgarh, 388 people were killed by the Maoists in 715
incidents in 2006. While 369 lost their lives in 2007, another 242
were killed in 2008.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-11 06:34:08 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/325187_Counter-terror-centre-to-be-operational-in-five-years

Counter terror centre to be operational in five years
STAFF WRITER 9:48 HRS IST

New Delhi, Oct 11 (PTI) A US-type National Counter Terrorism Centre
(NCTC), which will collect and disseminate terror-related information
and monitor dubious financial transactions, will be operational in the
country in the next five years.

"We have a long-term plan for a dedicated security network. We are
planning to convert MAC (Multi-Agency Centre) into full-fledged NCTC
in next five years," a senior Home Ministry official said.

Home Minister P Chidambaram had last month said "If the US can have a
National Counter-Terrorism Centre, why can't we have one in India
which will enhance our security and efficiency".

NCTC serves as the primary organisation in the US for integrating and
analysing all intelligence pertaining to counter-terrorism.

The MAC, which was strengthened following the Mumbai attacks, has
started serving as the nodal centre for collecting and disseminating
intelligence in India.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-11 06:35:49 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/325360_Buddha-meets-Chidambaram--discusses-Maoist-violence

Buddha meets Chidambaram, discusses Maoist violence
STAFF WRITER 11:35 HRS IST

New Delhi, Oct 11 (PTI) West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb
Bhattacharjee today met Home Minister P Chidambaram here and discussed
problems relating to tackling of Maoist violence and coordinated
action against the menace with neighbouring states.

The meeting came days after the Cabinet Committee on Security approved
a new plan under which coordinated action will be undertaken to
prevent violence by the Left extremists in selected areas and
development activities will be carried out of on a war-footing there.

Before approval, the new plan was discussed threadbare by the Centre
and the affected states like Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Andhra
Pradesh, Maharashtra and West Bengal.

Bhattacharjee, who is here to attend the CPI(M) Politburo meeting, had
a 45-minute breakfast meeting with Chidambaram at the latter's
residence.

Though there was no official word on the meeting, informed sources
said Maoist violence in West Bengal was the prime focus of discussion.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-11 06:51:54 UTC
Permalink
http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/indus-calling/entry/support-chidambaram-s-war

Support Chidambaram's war
Tarun Vijay Friday October 09, 2009

The brutal killings and beheading of security personnel and common
citizens in Jharkhand and Maharashtra must make all Indians stand up
in unison to defeat the Maoists. We must shun all our differences on
such occasions. Home minister P Chidambaram must get full support in
his war on the Maoists. Those who know and have been interacting with
him can vouch he is willing to do another Siddhartha Shankar Ray in
spite of a strong pro-Naxalite lobby in Delhi. He snubbed them on one
occasion and in clear words termed Maoists as ‘cold blooded
murderers’. Indians, performing their duties and living as law abiding
citizens can’t be allowed to be beheaded by the beastly gun wielders
who say they are secular revolutionaries. Till June this year,
according to home ministry sources, 1,127 incidents of Maoist violence
occurred in Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Andhra, Maharashtra, Orissa and
Bihar. In these, 457 citizens were killed including a two-year-old.
Two hundred of those killed were security personnel and 27 special
police officers, the common citizens who offer their services to help
the security network. Many were killed after being declared ‘police
informers’. The Maoists have destroyed 172 schools, hospitals, roads,
railway stations, police posts and similar public property in the
above-mentioned period. In the last 10 years the figure of the
killings by the Maoists has crossed five thousand. Their sources of
funds and ammunition lie in the territories of India’s sworn enemies
and their boys get training in jungle warfare too by the intelligence
agencies of the neighbouring countries. So, those who act to destroy
our social fabric and create insurgents, those who are our enemies are
their friends.

See some of the news reports about their ‘acts of bravery’: (a) Last
year hundreds of them took over a town in Bihar and freed nearly 400
inmates from a jail, including many supporters, (b)This year they
stole 19 tonnes of explosives from a state mining operation in
Chhattisgarh, and killed more than 50 people by setting off a landmine
under a truck in February, (c) The home ministry says nearly 1,000
people died in Maoist-violence last year, while a senior police
officer told Reuters there were more than 20,000 armed rebels backed
by hundreds of thousands of supporters, and (d) According to
villagers, (in Bihar) the victims were killed after they defied
Maoists and refused to hand over their land to them."They claim our
land to be theirs and the incident took place at the disputed land
site. They came at midnight. They caught all he people and shot at
their heads from a close range," said Jawahar Singh, a villager.

Still in Delhi, one may find a number of so-called intellectuals of
the secular variety trying to raise support and a respectable space
for them. They base their sympathies for the Maoists on two counts:
they are working for the emancipation of the poor and the downtrodden,
people who are voiceless against the repression of the state
apparatus, and secondly their motive is secular, they want development
for people's progress and an equitable distribution of resources which
the corrupt state machinery and political system doesn’t provide.
Hence their fight is for the higher motives of public good, so state
power must try to understand them and provide good infrastructure in
the areas they are ‘active’. That alone will help people to appreciate
the noble virtues of the government and they will stop helping the
Maoists.

Nothing can be farther from the truth than these manufactured
premises. It’s a sham apology for the murderous exploiters of the poor
and downtrodden. They work in unison with the country’s enemies and
hence are nothing but traitors and antinational insurgents. Nobody has
any sympathy for the corrupt and lethargic policemen, politicians nor
would any sane person support the lackadaisical speed of development
and lack of infrastructure in the poorer, distanced pockets of rural
India where the Naxalites thrive. The rich get richer and the poor get
the election dates. Hospitals, schools, roads, an administration that
delivers has remained a dream, still we are marching ahead and the
resilience and individual brilliance of an Indian is making the nation
move ahead. A lot remains to be done but is the beheading the only
acceptable method to achieve that and to cleanse the system? Then how
many heads must roll before the final heaven of the proletariat
revolution materialises? It’s also false that the Maoists enjoy
public support. Most of their cadres are drawn at gunpoint or
compelled to join their ranks through threat. If the Maoists are so
confident of massive public support why don’t they contest elections
and make the ugly, corrupt politicians leave the space for the Red
angels?

The security personnel may be as good or bad as are the pen-pushers of
Delhi and Kolkata who provide intellectual shields to the murderers of
Red Land. Francis, who was beheaded in Jharkhand or any other person
in uniform, is also a victim of a rusted system. Policemen are ill
equipped, poorly paid, asked to do difficult duty hours, and yet not
given the respect they deserve. They come from lower or middle income
group families, the men in white, the netajis, put tremendous pressure
on them for political purposes, at the end they are held responsible
for any mistake or failing to contain the lawbreakers while the
politicians enjoy dinners with them in circuit houses as we saw in the
last Lok Sabha elections when the same Maoist leaders were entertained
by Congress leaders to ensure electoral victory in their areas of
‘influence’ in Andhra. The men in khaki are expected to protect the
citizen. It’s a tall order for which they are never trained. The
police and security set-up in India remains prisoner to a colonial
vision. Prakash Singh, the renowned police officer, took up the issue
and got orders from the Supreme Court too, but no state has shown any
interest in implementing the orders. None in India has shown that he
has a stake in reforming the police set up because the corrupt and
rusted machinery serves vested interests. Reforming and making the men
in khaki enjoy a certain degree of autonomy, better arms and modern
training in guerrilla warfare and of course better salaries is on
nobody’s agenda.

One has to have an intense hate and a ruthless violent mind to behead
a person or to kill children.

Ruldu Ram (not the real name but the story is true), a tribal student
from Chhattisgarh is the youngest child in his family. He has a
younger brother and a sister. His father was a farmer, having a small
piece of land in the remote part of Dantewara. For him the life
remained a constant struggle, agriculture was not enough to provide
for the family needs and he had to go for labour work, quite often.
Still he was getting notices of demand from the local Maoist outfits:
pay a thousand, or sometimes five thousand or part with your land. He
was afraid but couldn’t do anything. Neither could he inform the
police. The men in khaki were as unreliable. The news would soon reach
the Naxalites and they would have him killed on charges of being a
police informer. One day the Maoists, six of them, came to his house
to demand money. He was simply unable to pay. His children and wife
were all seeing him begging for his life. The Naxalites wanted money
or instead asked him to join their ranks. They get new recruits like
this, at the gun point. The father showed them his children and wife.
Who will look after them if he goes to the jungle to take up guns for
the red revolutionaries about whom he knew nothing? No idea why they
are fighting, for whom and to serve what purpose. Angry Naxalite
warriors beheaded him before the eyes of wailing children and a
helpless wife.

This year, when the brother of Ruldu Ram’s slain father too refused
Maoist’s demands, he was beheaded in his house.

Ruldu Ram is with us, a few friends who are helping children like him
pursue studies and maybe he would become a police officer. His mother,
with blank eyes, works in her village, often as a labourer and tries
to ensure food and some education for Ruldu’s brother and sister. She
has only one dream: to see children grow up and get married. She
doesn’t know that her husband was slain for the cause of ‘the poor,
downtrodden and proletariat’. Those who killed were ‘revolutionaries'
working to bring about a ‘change in the statecraft, which is anti-
people, anti-development and anti everything that their philosophy,
Maoism, another name for the Communism as was practiced by Stalin and
Mao’, approves of. She is ignorant. She didn't read Das capital.

There are more than 5,000 such stories. Stories of poor, ignorant,
farmers and labourers, teachers and students, infants and school-going
children. All of them were killed for a ‘revolution’. To bring about a
change. They were either labeled police informers or were killed
because they wore uniform. They were agents of the state. Hence
deserved to be murdered.

And then these, the revolutionaries who killed small and petty farmers
and villagers and recruited new members not through convincing them
about the greatness of their ideology, but at gunpoint,’ join us or
get killed’ had a number of influential dreamy eyed drawing room
chocolate cheeked supporters who would discuss the poor at
International addas of passionate debates and say how Naxalsim is
directly connected to the lack of development and increasing
corruption and anti-people policies of the government. They would say
the gun wielders are not criminals, they have a dream for the
emancipation of the common people, they want to serve the poor and the
downtrodden and the farmers and the women.

Those providing a shield to the Maoist murderers should also be held
as much responsible for the killings as are the Maoists.

Chidambaram has rightly refused to get into this ‘tackle Naxalism-
Maoism through development' trap. In a civil society, development,
democracy and a strong sense of respecting pluralism can have no place
for violence. We are suffering too much from the bloodshed of our own
people — Islamic jihad is on one side and on the other side has
emerged the threat of Maoism. Both are two faces of the same coin.
Both must be dealt with an iron hand. Hence, Chidambaram needs India’s
support crossing all barriers of parties and ideologies.

Comments(39)


Rated 4.6/5 (144 Votes)

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Comments:
Agree (7)

Disagree (28)
premji jairam says:
October 09, 2009 at 05:54 PM IST

Violent activities must be stopped immediately.If Gandhiji is alive he
would have found solution and even would have gone there in the very
beginning of the problem and would have prevented this carnage.We need
leader of his stature to stop this human carnage.MrNehru also would
have done the same.

Agree (42)

Disagree (0)
Vyjayanthi Kabhampati says:
October 09, 2009 at 05:59 PM IST

Most of the Indian media has always been utterly cowardly in the face
of the monstrous violence of the Naxalites.The media would attack the
police at the slightest pretext.But it has never had the guts to
condemn the extremists for anything for fear of attacks on themselves
by the extremists.This is just not the leftist ideological bias of the
media.It is only craven cowardice.Shame on you,guys.

Agree (24)

Disagree (0)
Sudarshan Vaidya says:
October 09, 2009 at 06:07 PM IST

Very true! Naxals are aimless violence- propagators, have no valid
cause. They do not have any demands. Why do they attack police or the
poor people? If they really want to do something positive and
worthwhile, why do they not confront the high level corrupt
politicians and bureaucrats who are the real cause of backwardness?

Agree (21)

Disagree (0)
Amreesh Sharma says:
October 09, 2009 at 06:27 PM IST

Excellent article. true face of india is this. what Mr Traun Vijay is
saying is the Real Bharat. Most of the khski vardi waala are useless
and dont have any right to rule our motherland. its high time that we
challege these murderers and perparator(both Jihadis and Miosts) with
unity and strgth.Being a software professional , now i have starting
feeling that i am not doing good to me as well as our nation. May be
time has come for me also to think abt Mr. Tarun Vijay and stood up
with determination...
JAI HIND ..jAI BHARAT..

Agree (16)

Disagree (1)
An Indian says:
October 09, 2009 at 06:31 PM IST

Sir,

I completely agree with you. As far as I am concerned and understand,
these Maoists (Naxals) and Islamic Jehadists are working for non other
than themselves. They are least bothered about any kind of idealogy, I
wonder if they even know what IDEALOGY means.

In any case, the government has staunch supporter in me against these
anti-national elements.

Sincerely,
An Indian

Jai Hind
Jai Maharashta

Agree (10)

Disagree (3)
RAY says:
October 09, 2009 at 06:38 PM IST

Good blog, I happen to know a few of these so called intellectuals,
they have extraordinary capability to make a revolution over a cup of
coffe at coffe house. So called extraordinaries in their fields as
authours, directors etc but alas cannot recollect when the last nobel
(other than Tagore) or oscar (other than Ray) came to Kolkata. And we
all know from our histories the so called out come of thse red
revolutions.. So lets keep these intellectuals out of the issue of
national security as my personal belief is when their books or movies
does not sell because of lack of intellectual appeals they come out in
favour of the poor and downtrodden, else had they put their heart
where there mouth is all of them should have packed up for Andra
Pradesh by now.Now coming to the issue of what Mr Chidambaram , I have
great hopes from this man.And also from the UPA , not that I am a fan
of this government but as its the choice of the lesser evil. But Mr
Chidambaram should understand that in order to get a better hand of
the Maoists we need to have a better police and there is no other way
than to bring in the police reforms, there is no other way than to
revamp the intelligence departments. Whenever I see these men in
uniform being killed our political class coming out with speeches to
crush these violence and then again sends our ill-trained police for
action ( rember 5 jawans dead from COBRA).About 99% of our political
class does not have the will or the intellect to carry or have the
vision to understand the need for change. And I am for sure at not
point in time our friendly neibours will smell yet another opportunity
among these Maoists , as we have been seeing in all the past movement
be it the Kalisthan or the Bodos.We are in a country where the Supreme
court says out of frustration that even god cannot help this country.I
just hope a few wise men, will take a few wise steps, as HOPE is the
only promisory note that this coutry has at this point in time...

Agree (14)

Disagree (0)
Prof. Ramesh Sinha, Freelancer says:
October 09, 2009 at 06:42 PM IST

Since the call of the home minister to give up arms and negotiate fell
flat on the 'cold blood killerse' ei Maoists, there is no way left but
to wage an official war against them. I fully agree with Tarun that
the people of the country irrespective of political, religious or
social differences should unite and support P. Chidambram's war
against naxals spread over major parts of the nation. The recent
heinous killing of cops in Maharashtra and beheading of another in
Jharkhand sets glaring example of Maoists high morale in absence of
government-people strong will power to retaliate or initiate decisive
aggression to demolish the group which has no clear mission but to
disturb harmony of the country. Alleged foreign help to them cannot be
over ruled in the present pretext. The government has already clues
substantiating some neighbour countries connivance in perpetuating
naxal or terror activities every now and then. Under the circumstances
it is beleived that nation as a whole would be ready to join hands
with government to fight out maoists till the end, Now the ball is in
the government court to plan and execute strong war agaunst them in
view of throwing their nefarious desire to an end. Amin !

Agree (14)

Disagree (0)
Sharda Bhargav - The Confiscated Soul says:
October 09, 2009 at 06:48 PM IST

A detailed account of self styled 'brave and secular' Maoists. Your
assessment is correct that Maoists recruit youth not by convincing
about their ideology but by threatening at gun point.
Maoism and jihadism are doing too much harm to the people. Many
innocents are being killed.The PM had mentioned that this monster is
quite dangerous. So all out efforts should be made to eliminate such
barbaric elements.
It appears some political persons are supporting these groups because
they are able to survive for last many years.
All Indians must rise above their differences to cooperate with the
government in bringing the situation under control. The murders of
innocent citizens, being committed by these anti national insurgents
must be stopped.The channel of financial help may be intercepted
before funds reach the Maoists.
The recruits are sent to neighbouring countries for training and
bringing arms. They must be apprehended by border forces while
attemting to cross the border. Maoists should not be able to violate
the borders at will. If required the borders may be further
strengthened for stopping illegal crossings at any time of the day or
night.
The corrupt persons in the administration should be removed. It can't
be ruled out that ill charactered persons in authority, render
indirect help to Maoists. Their links must be disconnected.
The development of area should be simultaneously taken up for overall
improvement and to create more jobs so that youth join these jobs
instead of Maoists ranks.The Maoists come to attack in large numbers.
They are well armed use expertise in explosives. Looting of large
quantities of arms and explosives indicate presence of Maoists in
places from where loot took place. Our intelligence services have to
be geared up to provide advance warning about planning, likely
operations of Maoists to thwart their designs.Jungle warfare is
different from coventional one, so only highly trained troops be sent
for finishing people's enemy.

Agree (7)

Disagree (0)
Raj says:
October 09, 2009 at 06:52 PM IST

Exactly,I fully agree.

This is the time everyone from Right,Centre and Left supports P
Chidambaram's bold initiative.

Agree (9)

Disagree (0)
Prashant says:
October 09, 2009 at 07:21 PM IST

I fully agree with Mr Tarun Vijay's suggestion to support Mr
Chidambaram in his fight against Maoists. Maoists are a cancer that
India's detractors (like China and up to some extent Pakistan) support
and fund.

No one likes to be poor and it is sad that millions of Indians are
poor. But so were many other Indians who are successful today, who
came out of poverty through education and/or hard work in their field
of legitimate employment.

Taking up guns can not be justified because of poverty, something that
Maoists (and their Psuedo - intellectualls supporters)are trying to. A
murder is just simply that. A murder. If "intellectualls"
disagree, let them try telling their justification to mother or wife
of slain policemen.

Thank you Mr Vijaya for brining up this important debate and for
showing absolute integrity in supporting Mr Chidambaram in his fight
against Maoists that he is fighting on behlaf og all of us - INDIANS!

Agree (5)

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Ganesh says:
October 09, 2009 at 07:28 PM IST

Timely blog. Congratulations Tarun Vijay. Maoists/Naxalites should be
dealt with immediately as otherwise this will be become another
terrorist war against Indian citizens. Their claim of bringing
development through armed struggle has no place in this country. Any
development has be from political process and armed revolution. This
is the right time as their supporters in polictal arena are now weak
and cannot blackmail the government. Indian capitalism is not like the
West version. While the millionaires and billionaries are more today,
it is also true that we have created more middle class in the past
decade. Communism cannot bring about development in democratic set up.
Regards.

Agree (3)

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Prashant says:
October 09, 2009 at 07:28 PM IST

I fully agree with Mr Tarun Vijay's suggestion to support Mr
Chidambaram in his fight against Maoists. Maoists are a cancer that
India's detractors (like China and up to some extent Pakistan) support
and fund.

No one likes to be poor and it is sad that millions of Indians are
poor. But so were many other Indians who are successful today, who
came out of poverty through education and/or hard work in their field
of legitimate employment.

Taking up guns can not be justified because of poverty, something that
Maoists (and their Psuedo - intellectual supporters)are trying to. A
murder is just simply that. A murder. If "intellectualls"
disagree, let them try telling their justification to mother or wife
of slain policemen.

Thank you Mr Vijay for brining up this important debate and for
showing absolute integrity in supporting Mr Chidambaram in his fight
against Maoists that he is fighting on behalf of all of us - INDIANS!

Agree (6)

Disagree (0)
Amit Deshpande says:
October 09, 2009 at 07:40 PM IST

This is really a great peek into the Naxalism that prevails in
forgotten and forbidden parts of our country.
It is true that it has breed due to the lack of development, but it is
equally true that violence of any form cannot be ever justified. The
'liberated' areas are no better than when they had state apparatus
working for them.
It is a huge industry.
The people who support, supporters of killers, of people like Francis
Induwar should be ashamed of themselves. This is no definition of
being secular in any which way.
In fact Naxalites should be brought into the mainstream as quick as
possible or they will go the Babbar Khalsa way, where the ISI would be
too gleefully rubbing its hands to help them carry more murders.
This calls for more reach within the villages, NREGA should be
implemented without its current glitches. At least it would be a good
start to wean out its short-comings.
Money should reach villagers, it will have direct effect upon the
reach of Maoists. Rural India badly needs an alternative to Maoists.

Agree (4)

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Achira says:
October 09, 2009 at 07:52 PM IST

"1,127 incidents of Maoist violence occurred in Jharkhand,
Chhattisgarh, Andhra, Maharashtra, Orissa and
Bihar".............I have not seen the name of west bengal where
after loksabha election 129 supporters of a certain party were killed
and the killers enjoyed certain immunity under a central minister.

Agree (1)

Disagree (19)
Ni2w says:
October 09, 2009 at 08:16 PM IST

CENSORSHIP
.
Is it true that Tarun Vijay is so scared of criticism made by some
readers of his reactionary and communalist views that he is censoring
– some – readers contributions to his Blogs.
.
Contributions either do not appear at all or appears days – some
times – weeks after submission..

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manish says:
October 09, 2009 at 08:20 PM IST

well said. I as an indian feel the same way as you expressed. All
naxals and terrorist started as representer of society later they
became corrupt and cold blood murderer. so any form of arm liberation
struglle is anti people and our recent past can vouch for that. I
still wonder why people in kolkata support cpi younger brother cpi
band of confused people. IN fact we need to get rid of them too or
probably should send them to china where they actually belong.
these naxals are no different from terrorist in kashmir largely
confused with their own ideology and agenda the only way they resort
to is violence. so prescription of iron hand against them is the only
pill.

Agree (2)

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Rajendra M. Parikhm Arlington, Texas USA says:
October 09, 2009 at 08:25 PM IST

Dear Readers,
In a civil society unauthorized people, with AK-47
and other lethal weapons, have no place. Simply
they are just like Talibans in India. They are
murders and thugs, Indian armed forces should be
allowed to confront them. Capture them one by one
and put them in a labour camp to fix all damages they have done to
public properties including
railway and railway bridges. They disregards
of all human values. They have right have aggressiveness with state
government but they
can not ask justice on gun point.
I agree with Mr. Tarunji that our home minister
deserves our sincere support to eradicate that
menace that they have been playing with local and central government.
Round them up like loose cattle and put them out of business.
One more thing that who ever supply them arms and
ammunition also equally responsible, bring them also to justice.
God bless India and her armed forces.
JAI HIND,
Thank you and sincerely,
Rajendra M. Parikh
Arlington, Texas USA

Agree (2)

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Bijyender Mishra says:
October 09, 2009 at 08:37 PM IST

I agree we some of the points you mentioned that we have to deal with
these type of animalsstrongly but also we have to be tougher against
those who support them like politician, Govt/non govt Officers etc.
One more thing before erasing them give one more chance so that
bounded ppl by maoist can be saved and return to thier normal life.
BUT DEFINETELY I SUPPORT that including Maoist, corruption and corrupt
man must be dealt with an iron hand

Agree (5)

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Deepak says:
October 09, 2009 at 08:38 PM IST

Good blog.Chidambram is doing a good Job. he needs help.He is a 1000%
better Home Minister than the earlier one.Home minister is a very
importand position and needs a capable man running it

Agree (7)

Disagree (2)
arpit says:
October 09, 2009 at 08:38 PM IST

maoist should be immediately executed...they are the pain for us

Agree (4)

Disagree (26)
Sam the man from pakistan says:
October 09, 2009 at 08:52 PM IST

Jasa karo ghay. Wasa bharoo ghay
Indians involvement in other countries
internal matters has put India into
self distruction mood.

Agree (2)

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Ashish says:
October 09, 2009 at 08:56 PM IST

totally agree with Tarun here ... dont know whether these are the
actual figures .. but if they are .. then its a scary scenario ...
reminds me of an article which came out in a chinese daily on 'how to
break up India' ..

Agree (6)

Disagree (1)
unacceptable says:
October 09, 2009 at 09:09 PM IST

Lack of clarity on how to deal with Maoist movement has resulted in
thousands of ill equipped, ill trained, reluctant and low morale
policemen getting killed, and all our leadership is doing is
procrastinating, as if burying ones head in sand will wish away the
problem. How many more lives will be wasted before the govt stops
talking and start doing something to stop this?

Agree (7)

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d.chatterjee says:
October 09, 2009 at 09:12 PM IST

As SriLankan Govt has proved if a state is willing to go all the way,
no rebel outfit, however well equipped it may be, can finally match
upto the might of the state. In our case, the question remains is the
Govt. willing? Why not close all the supply routes like Sri Lanka and
take on them with ruthlessness? The so-called human rights activists
are best to be ignored as these worthies only cry for a Kobad Gandhy
or a Mahato but observe total silence against naxal terror! We know
their hearts bleed when India goes nuclear but willing accept awards
from established nuclear powers. The question is whether Indian polity
can rise above its narrow partisan views and support GOI if it decides
to take strong action?

Agree (4)

Disagree (1)
pravin says:
October 09, 2009 at 09:15 PM IST

Tarun ji,

It is a well known that these naxalites take refuge in forests. Local
representation, involvement, proper training & empowerment is a
prerequisite.
These groups will be no match for the state, if the state has adequate
will power rather than selfish interests and bureaucracy.

Agree (7)

Disagree (1)
Indian says:
October 09, 2009 at 09:26 PM IST

in this pool of dirty politicians, for the first time I have seen
someone attending to the seriousness of 'maowadi' problem.......I
never liked Chidambaram for he was just like the others but the tough
stand he has taken against the maoists has surely made him
special.......I belong to the state where batches and batches of
villagers were beheaded in a single night not this year or last year
but since last two decades and even before by these psycho killers aka
maoists........what these maoists are doing now is totally an act of
frustration, we just can't let our people die at their hands, joint
military and police operation should be initiated to clean them, at
least we should learn something from Sri Lanka!!

Agree (2)

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Objective Indian says:
October 09, 2009 at 10:04 PM IST

Fighting the maoists is fruitless, the numbers are overwhelmingly in
their favour. An effective response will require stepping back to
reflect about some fundamentals of our political economy. Is a centre
strong federation ever going to be effective in a country such as
ours, or would a confederation not be more cohesive and effective
political unit. The exploitative capitalism that has become
institutionalised is just not sustainable - a more equitable and
regulated economy needs to operate. Its only these that can turn the
tide of numbers in support of the Indian experiment.

Agree (0)

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Summet Kumar says:
October 09, 2009 at 10:26 PM IST

The Fight against NAXALS will only be won if the Govt. ensures that
there will be just one voice from it. No loose, ambigous statements
from any Minister, security advisor etc on any forum, blog so that it
dilutes Govt's determination. And then the Govt. must honestly work on
what it says, remove any shortcomings, bottleneck at any cost. The
Govt., Media must not pay any attention, coverage to any "Human
Right Activists" shouting against any atrocities against
"Innocent" villagers/tribals. Keep watch on the Advocates
who will fight legal battle in favour of NAXALS and identify the
source of its income. They will try to prove any NAXALITE killed or
captured as the innocent victims of gross Human Right Violation.

ISRO must immediately launch Nano satellites to monitor closely 24 x 7
any activity in NAXAL infected areas.

IAF must be given free hand to conduct any "DRONE " attacks
without beauracratic permission like US is doing in PAK Taliban or Sri
Lanka Army did to zero-in Prabhakaran.

The Army, IAF, State Polices must strategically clear Naxal Pockets
one by one and must not stop till each and every inch of land is naxal
infected.

This will no doubt clear for once all the Naxalites, but to ensure
that they does not grow again, it is required that the Government
Officers, Teachers, Doctors, Police, etc posted in Naxal prone area
mixes with the Villagers/Tribals alongwith their families. The w
Collector along with their wives of Naxal prone Districts -- lives
like Tribals, Dress like them, speaks like them in local language,
join in their cultural -- religious functions. This will ensure that
NAXALS will never be able to spread like today. It was only because
the Government Machinery, their wives maintained a distance from the
tribals, Officers felt that it was their punishment posting so they
always wanted Transfer back to City, On other Hand NAXALs mixed with
the Tribals-- Dress, Language etc and they spread like Cancer.

Agree (1)

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Pavan says:
October 09, 2009 at 11:35 PM IST

I dont think all this is reaching to people in the affacted
regions...Whats the point in you and I understanding it ...the locals
support them either through fear or ignorance. Why cant RSS
eradication of this and terrorism ?

Agree (3)

Disagree (8)
Ni2w says:
October 10, 2009 at 12:05 AM IST

Support Chidambram but NOT TARUN
.
As you all know that Tarun is a Reactionary individual whose views
are:
.
Anti Liberal/Secular/Left wing ideologies.
.
Anti Muslim as well as other minorities, including low caste Hindus.
.
He is not anti-violence, just anti violence which is perpetrated by
oppressed people such as Muslims, Tribals, and low cast Hindus against
oppressors and their agents.
.
He has never written any blog which opposes Hindu violence against,
Christians and pogroms against Muslims of Gujarat.
.
He never misses any opportunity to denigrate honourable Indian Muslims
and hard working low caste Hindus.
.
He attacks Liberals in our society and is never critical about RSS/
Shiv Sena/Bajrang Dal, etc.
.
In short he is a reactionary communalist and a crypto fascist.
.
He is not interested in either finding out what are the grievances of
Naxal’s or proposing a solution to their problems.
.
He wants them to be good Hindus and accept their Karma and do good
things by serving rotund semi naked Brahmins, in the forlorn hope of
being born into a better status in their next life.
.
Chidambram would need to balance his helicopter guns with social and
geographical reforms in-order to control this violence tendency.

Agree (1)

Disagree (1)
YD says:
October 10, 2009 at 02:57 AM IST

How an ordinary Indian can help when these Congresswalas are deceiving
the nation ? Todays report in TOI says that plenty of helicopters are
available for Chidambaram's Congress goons but none for bleeding
policemen. The scourge of India, Congress, is not sincere, they had
taken support of Naxalites to win elections in Andhra.

Agree (1)

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Vidi says:
October 10, 2009 at 06:41 AM IST

I have beens scouring papers to read an article on Maoists since the
beginning of the year. One or two mentions here and there mainly
blaming police for not able to protect their own. No concrete
analysis, history and solutions were provided by any so called
intellectuals. No articles on what Maoists what. I till date have no
idea what they ultimately want - freedom from India, state govt
change, justice, land - what? The onlything I know is they just keep
on killing and kiling. In the meantime, I started reading Pakistani
newspapers - Dawn and The International. They are filled by articles
on the various topics related to their country's security, taliban etc
but it showed me that they are all thinking about the problem. But not
here. Here we keep talking about cricket, salman kahan, srk, naqab and
how great we are. Finally we have Mr. Tarun Vijay aksing/writing/
letting us know of this problem and how important it is to curtail
this. We need to finish this Indian Taliban right now. Hopefully
Chidambaram will deliver something.

Agree (2)

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vaibhav says:
October 10, 2009 at 08:53 AM IST

very well written,the human rights organizations in india are
hypocritical.....there should be no tolerance to violence!!!!

Agree (1)

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Deepak Sharma says:
October 10, 2009 at 10:07 AM IST

Main problem which we face is the attitude of our politicians.I know
for sure that none of the sibling of any politician is in any of the
forces,police, where ever there is slightest danger of life in any
form. The soldiers/policemen dying out while doing their duty has no
effect on ther soul because they do not belong to them or there
family. They only bother for there vote bank, i.e dalits, Muslims,SC/
st etc. God have given them power to live, even during natural
catastrophes like earth quake in bhuj, tsunami, flood no politician or
his family suffers or dies. Even during attack on parliament non was
killed. So why do they have to bother about these killings they are in
safe haven. It will take only 02 days for BSF/CRPF to kill all these
naxals provided they are given orders to do so.
GOD HELP INDIA

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SS says:
October 10, 2009 at 10:52 AM IST

Hi readers, The topic is of great concern to citizens of India.I would
name it bluntly "Terrorism".Today Mr Chidambaram has woken
up after 1000s of widows,orphans,forced militants,slavery,mental
disorders, handicap etc..If this is visible to countrymen then why is
the government sitting over the problem and making shit.My words are
not so disgusting as this problem is. Its not far when new Militant
Group built "INHOUSE" will pop up and reach our house with
Gifts "GUNS and DEATH".
So whats the value add we can do to solve this.Your suggestions is
wost welcome.Lets make a common platform eg. any url,media houses etc
who can take our voices to the govt and take regular followups.Lets
unite people and request big media people to also join and work for
the safeguard of the individuals, country..Wake up Folks and help to
get your taxable amount to be used for development and not for
destruction.

Agree (2)

Disagree (5)
Ziauddin Shafi says:
October 10, 2009 at 01:16 PM IST

Violence under any name by our own brethren against each other must
never be tolerated and must be quelled in order to stop this
fartricide. This must be the benchmark for any civilized society worth
its salt. However, the Sangh Parivar, being the agent provocateur
behind communal riots and propagator of hate against non-Hindus, has
no business to cry wolf against this Maoist violence. It is the Sangh
parivar that stands to lose much ideological mind space in the
hinterlands to the Maoists (not that the Maoists are friends of the
non-Hindus, which they are not), that would deprive the Sanghists of
their hatchet men. They are more worried over the loss of their
potential soldiers that are used to kill non-Hindus, who are crossing
over to the side of the Maoists, rather than maintaining peace and
stability in the country. Therefore Messrs Tarun Vijay and his ilk are
suspect when they ask for support of Chidambaram in this struggle. If
only Tarun had been more Indian rather than an RSS Pracharak.

Agree (0)

Disagree (0)
A S CHAUHAN says:
October 10, 2009 at 01:16 PM IST

Support Chidambaram's War : Tarun Vijay :- Though the writer & the
Home Minister are 'Poles Apart', politically; yet kudos to Tarun Ji
for having fallen in line with the pronouncement of Mr Chidambaram ,
regarding the present highly disturbing situation in the infamous
areas of some Indian states.They comprise parts of
Bihar,Orissa,Jharkhand , AP & Chattisgarh : borders of the
adjoining states affected as well.Anything which is in the interest of
the nation ,deserves to be appreciated whole-heartedly,applauded &
fully supported without any riders/conditions/ifs & buts !
Sincerity of thought , unfeigned endeavour , ingenuous juxtaposition
all the way & without any malevolence , absolutely.In a 'war-like'
situation prevailing for such along time , one is rather compelled to
initiate in taking such drastic action ; since the ruling UPA having
been pushed to the wall ! The Govt got to assert without fear or
funk : now & now ! However, the life & the property of the
innocent inhabitants must be taken care of ; not even inadvertently
the 'AAM ADAMI' be harmed . The well organised & heavily armed
'Culprits' must be brought to book .Justice must be done to the badly
mauled by the goons-like scumbags. Police & para-military
'Bandobast' be strengthened to meet with the explosive
situation ;which nearly is getting out of hand . Even the nation's
'AIR FORCE' Chopper has been inflicted with the loss of its one
aircrew member . Unbelievable ,indeed ! It tantamount to attacking the
Govt ,both at the centre & the state,more of an insurgency . The
Cabinet ,therefore, must take it very seriously indeed & crush the
enemies of the nation : internal disturbance is no less than the
invaders attacking our borders at will !

Agree (2)

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sandeep says:
October 10, 2009 at 01:29 PM IST

Our enemies in fact using this maoists weapons in order to disturb our
peace and harmony. Surely lack of development, greediness of
politicians and lack of basic educations resulted this movement, but
still we can control the situation if we work cooperatively and
modernize police department. A special task force has to setup to
combat maoists only. It should have special powers and very modern
weapons. We should take action now, otherwise it will be too late.

Agree (4)

Disagree (7)
hortense vaughan says:
October 10, 2009 at 05:40 PM IST

Tarun ! your about face calling for all Indians to unite against a
common communist enemy is a far cry from your usual divisive bigotry
and put down of all non Hindus and lower caste people so I gather you
will postpone your pogroms against the dissidents and lower classes
till the problem with the marxists has been dealt with.
You are to be honoured by Bernie Ecclestone the Formula One supremo
who will name all Formula One races in your honour: in future they
will all be known as Grand Pricks

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-11 12:21:36 UTC
Permalink
http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article1689.html

Mainstream, Vol XLVII, No 43, October 10, 2009

Open Letter to the CM of Bihar
Sunday 11 October 2009, by Shree Shankar Sharan

Respected Chief Minister,

I would put your by-election losses behind you and think ahead of the
future. Elections reflect voter sovereignty It would be vain to expect
the voter to line up all the time behind you even if your total score-
card has been great but there have been some misses here and there. It
is these misses that the voter picks on in by-elections with a view to
drawing your attention rather than deserting you.

Every government has two main problems, the party and the bureaucracy.
The party wants a voice in governance, the bureaucracy a share of
power of doing, delaying or undoing things,and sometimes worse.
Balancing the two is not easy and the balance has to change from time
to time. As you get close to an election the party gains an advantage
while the bureaucracy drags its feet, not sure which way the election
will turn.

Perhaps the party needs a little more of mollycoddling and the
bureaucracy a little more of cracking the whip. But justice as an
ingredient of policy must be enjoined on both with the added caution
for the bureaucracy to have a heart and human face.

In dealing with macro issues, the micro issues do sometimes fall in a
shadow. As a matter of habit the bureaucracy steamrollers over micro
issues as in the way of macro programmes.. These injustices, if not
addressed, also cost votes.

There are some big questions of policy that will need your decision
soon. In terms both of elections and the shape of the polity and
economy they are crucial.

I refer to Bandyopadhyay’s report on land reforms. What do his
recommendastion on bataidars to give them security of tenure by
shifting the burden of proof from bataidars to land owners mean? It
means that they have the security to stay as they are and where they
are, that is, remain poor. The recording of bataidars in the revenue
records will entitle them to loans against the security of their
crops, not the security of their land without the consent of their
landowners because they continue to be owners in the revenue record.
That means long term loans for long term improvements can only be had
by the joint application of the owners and the bataidars.The
landowners may have a disincentive for getting loans or investment in
a land much of whose benefit will be hogged by the secure bataidar. In
Bengal a Communist Party watchdog also helped in its implementation
which in Bihar will be drowned in litigation like the Purnea survey
record or worse.

That is the revolution that the author is said to have brought about
in Bengal. Even if we ignore the opinion that he ruined farming in
West Bengal, is it good enough?

The socialist slogan has been “land to the tiller”, not a limited
right on land to the tiller. We therefore had suggested to
Bandyopadhyay to go farther than his achievement in West Bengal. But
unhappily he has not. Since the Land Ceiling Act by poor
implementation did not produce much surplus land and the bataidari
law, though old in Bihar, has failed to be implemented because of
under tenants in their wisdom seeking security in the goodwill of the
tenant rather than the law, we would advocate a fresh approach to the
question which the landlord will have no incentive to oppose.¨

Our suggestion was that the under tenant should be given the right to
buy his tenant’s land at slightly less than the market price by
legislation for which he should be funded by bank finance to be
arranged by the government by an arrangement with the banks. Any
further improvement in this scheme could be considered only if there
were problems in bank recoveries. There should not be much problem
because the undertenant will run the risk of the transfer being
cancelled if he defaults.

The banks are flush with funds and a poor credit deposit ratio in
Bihar and should be willing to lend with some persuasion and pressure.
The recording of the under tenants’ status should be for this limited
purpose with the government as a facilitator.

The tense and problematic agrarian relations in Bihar should be
reformed by some such formula with the likely consent by both parties,
without generating new tension, by taking advantage of the large scale
exodus of the rural rich from the rural to the urban areas due to the
former’s growing insecurity and the landlord’s anxiety to dispose off
his land. I suggest referring this matter to a Select Committee of the
Assembly for advice and not rushing it.

In urban development or rejuvenation, the accent should be on the
minimal and the practical, not on the maximum or fanciful. In a land-
hungry country the minimum possible land, arable or commercially
viable, should be wasted on urban planning, and the plan should be
least painful to the community or its weaker members.

The government should also pragmatically rethink its relations with
the Central Government. Their relations with their ally, the BJP, has
been getting tense because of their friendly gestures and welfare
programmes for the minorities. The Congress of late has adopted many
pro-poor policies that the JD(U) should welcome, if not all. The
Central Government has been less than just to the State Government for
apparently political reasons or lack of trust. If they promise to and
act more justly which brings greater prosperity to Bihar and relief to
the distressed who have been the worst hit, there will be good
political reason to rework the shape of alliance between the Centre
and the State.

As one of the best Chief Ministers that Bihar has had and the many
more years of service that it needs from you, I have no doubt that you
will match your vision with pragmatism, and your haste to change with
prudence.

With best regards,

Shree Shankar Sharan

Shree Shankar Sharan, who retired from the IAS several years ago, is a
Convenor of the Lok Paksh, Patna/Delhi.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-11 12:37:36 UTC
Permalink
http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article1597.html

Mainstream, Vol XLVII, No 37, August 29, 2009

Can Money Compensate Scheduled Tribe Victims for Rape?
Monday 31 August 2009, by Vasudha Dhagamwar

In our earlier study of Scheduled Caste victims in Uttar Pradesh we
had drawn attention to the fact that compensation was regarded as the
end of the case. [“Can Money Compensate for Rape” by Vasudha
Dhagamwar, Mainstream (August 8, 2009)] We had raised doubts about the
end beneficiary of the money paid ostensibly to the victim.1 We had
noted the victim’s need for rehabilitation and we also had also seen
the victim’s need for overall support from her community. The focus of
our study in Madhya Pradesh had therefore shifted to seeking answers
to such questions. As we shall explain below, we chose Madhya Pradesh
for demographic and linguistic reasons.

The Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe [Prevention of Atrocities] Act
1989 came into effect in 1995 when the Central Rules for its
implementation were passed. That is why in the study for Uttar
Pradesh, spanning the years between 1991 to 1994, the State Rules
(made for the Protection of Civil Rights Act), giving each victim five
thousand rupees, applied. In 1995 the Central Rules were framed and
gazetted in April of the same year. Rules have to be gazetted in order
to come into force. The Central Rules increased the amount of
compensation to the rape victim to fifty thousand rupees. The amount
was to be split into two equal instalments. The first would be paid
after the medical report; and the second after the accused had been
convicted. Under the Rules each State had to frame its own rules,
while keeping within the larger content and spirit of the Central
legislation. From the quantum of compensation given in different years
it appears that until the State Rules were gazetted, even the Central
Rules would not apply. The old State Rules, if any, would remain
applicable. It was all very confusing.

The Act further provided for Special Courts and Special Public
Prosecutors, whose time would be devoted exclusively to the trials. It
also permitted the victim to appoint a lawyer of her own choosing,
should she not be satisfied with the Special Public Prosecutors. Her
lawyer’s fees would be paid by the legal aid committee. Travelling
expenses, which included fares and allowances, were to be paid to the
victim, a family member accompanying her and the prosecution
witnesses. Travelling expenses were to be paid for travelling to place
of investigation and of trial. Similarly, maintenance expenses, at not
less than the minimum agricultural wage per day, were required to be
paid to all such persons. The victim’s medical expenses were also
covered.

A team of three women researchers took up the field based project.
They chose Madhya Pradesh (the part that later became Chhattisgarh)
for their study. The reasons for choosing Madhya Pradesh were similar
to the reasons for studying the Scheduled Caste cases in Uttar
Pradesh. First of all, we needed a State with a large number of
Scheduled Tribes and also with a sizeable non-tribal population. So
the North-Eastern States were out. Secondly, we needed a Hindi
speaking area so that researchers could speak directly with the
people. Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh met both requirements. However,
Madhya Pradesh was way ahead. According to the Census of 1991, the
Scheduled Tribe population of Madhya Pradesh was 23 per cent of its
total population; Rajasthan came second with 12.4 per cent. Even in
absolute numbers Madhya Pradesh had a larger tribal population of 15.3
million while in Rajasthan it was 5.7 million. In registered cases for
rape too Madhya Pradesh had the dubious distinction of coming out
ahead. For the years 1994 and 1995 Madhya Pradesh recorded over 200
cases annually. While in Rajasthan the figures were less than fifty in
either year. It is, of course, possible that in that latter State the
figures were ‘fudged’ and the situation was much worse. But as the
data went, we selected Madhya Pradesh. Before proceeding any further
let us look at the law on compensation in Madhya Pradesh.

The Legal Position in Madhya Pradesh

As the requirement of the Central Rules to the Atrocities Act, the
Madhya Pradesh Government brought in the Madhya Pradesh Anusuchit Jati
va Janjati (Akasmikata Yojana) Niyam in 1995. Akasmik means sudden or
unforeseen. The English translation of the title would be Scheduled
Caste and Tribe (Emergency Plan) Rules. We refer to them as the Niyam.
They came into effect from March 1996. The State Rules in effect till
then dated from 1993. Those Rules had been framed under the Protection
of Civil Rights Act of 1955. Under them a rape victim of SC or ST
communities was entitled to receive the lumpsum of Rs 10,000 when the
First Information Report (FIR) was filed.

Our study covers the years 1995 and 1996, one year before and one year
after the Niyam came into effect. The Niyam provided that Rs 50,000
would be the minimum that would be paid to the rape victim.

Choice of Districts

The team then closed in upon Bilaspur division because of our contacts
there. The team wanted one district with a high incident of rape of ST
women by non-ST men and another with a low incidence. Bilaspur
division comprises of three districts: Bilaspur, Surguja and Raigarh.
Overall 53.7 per cent of the population in Surguja district was
tribal. On the other hand in Bilaspur district only 23 per cent of the
people were tribal, which was coincidentally the State average. Oddly
enough, in Surguja district, where tribal people had absolute
majority, the incidence of rape was higher. The following figures were
collected from the Adivasi Jan Kalyan Cell (or AJKC) which was based
in Bhopal, the State capital.

Yearwise Incidence of Rape in the Two Districts

District 1994 1995 1996 Total
Surguja 12 20 15 47
Bilaspur 8 2 3 13

The intention was to cover 50 per cent of the cases. But once the team
reached the field they ran into difficulties. They could not get the
FIRs of the 1994 cases and decided to concentrate on 1995 and 1996.
Even for those two years figures in the AJKC, Bhopal were incomplete.
On the other hand for the newly chosen years more cases came to light
in the police stations. A few young victims had been married off in
faraway villages, and an interview would disclose their past to their
in-laws. Lastly some villages were inaccessible due to the rainy
season. All this played havoc with the sample size.

The team noted that the information they needed was split amongst five
or six departments. For the First Information Reports they visited not
only the regular police stations, the Special Court, and the Tribal
Development Wing. In addition they also went to the single AJK Police
Station for the entire district. To find out about the compensation
etc. they went to the Antyavasi Samiti and in Surguja, to the Tribal
Development Wing. The information was not collated in any one place.
One appreciates that the government administration is not run for the
convenience of researchers. But when we think of ordinary people
running from pillar to post, the need to centralise information
becomes paramount.

In Uttar Pradesh the team had sifted through the First Information
Reports or FIRs. They could not follow up all the FIRs. In Madhya
Pradesh it was the other way round: they found more cases than FIRs.

Cases and FIRs

Break-up of Cases Surguja Bilaspur -
- 1995 1996 1995 1996 1995 1996
Followed-up cases 11 11 3 3 14 14
FIRs 7 8 2 3 9 11

The total number covered by the team was 28 cases. From the FIRs,
interviews with the victims and other government records we could find
out when the rape was reported to the police. In 13 cases, the largest
number, the FIR was filed the next day. In four cases, it was the same
day. In four, it was between two to three days. Three FIRs had been
filed inside a week, in two cases inside a month, in one after a month
and in one case the FIR had been filed after seven months. We shall
return to this case. The later it is, the less the chances of finding
evidence. When asked about the delay beyond twentyfour hours in
reporting, we got a variety of answers. Thus twelve-year-old Parvati
said that she was raped in the man’s house. We could see that his
family was not going to help her or even send her to her parents.
Sixteen-year-old Anju said that she had been gangraped by six youths
in daytime, while she was out grazing her cattle in the forest. They
physically prevented her from going home till late in the afternoon.
Some victims or their relatives were threatened with dire consequences
should they open their mouths. They took time to muster their courage.
Santara was a twenty-year-old deaf-and-dumb young woman. The team
talked with her father. He was a sharecropper. The man who raped her
was his landowner. He threatened Santara’s father saying he would take
away the entire produce if the father went to the police. The father
waited till the crop was harvested. The medical report said that
Santara was seven months pregnant.

Sanction and Payment of Compensation

The team followed up 28 cases in all. Of the 14 cases of 1995, they
could find FIRs in only nine cases, of which two were in Bilaspur
district and seven in Surguja district. But as the chargesheets were
filed in all 14 cases, the FIRs clearly existed and all victims were
entitled to receive the compensation of Rs 10,000. Yet the
compensation was paid to only nine victims. We must point out that
they were not necessarily the cases in which we found the FIRs. Of the
remaining five victims the situation of Tulsi Bai was very difficult
to understand. It had been a case of gangrape, involving four men and
it was only case that had ended in conviction. Still she did not
receive the compensation.

Ten victims, whose FIRs were registered in 1996, were paid
compensation Three of those cases were registered before the Niyam
came into effect; so they too came under the 1993 Rule. All three
received the sum of Rs 10,000 in a single instalment after the FIR was
filed. The remaining cases came under the Niyam. It meant more money,
but it involved more paperwork. As per the Niyam, the victim was
entitled to receive Rs 10,000 in cash after her medical examination.
The remaining money would be held in a joint account in a post office
with the Assistant Commissioner, Tribal Development. The money would
be held in a monthly income scheme or any other fixed deposit scheme
and the victim would be paid the interest. Despite the Niyam, however,
three women in Bilaspur district were paid the entire sum of
twentyfive thousand rupees in cash. The Niyam was strictly applied in
Surguja. Another proviso was that if the doctor did not record a
finding of rape then the entire sum of Rs 25,000 would put in the
joint account until the trial concluded with a conviction. That
happened to Santara, the deaf-and-mute daughter of a sharecropper. As
several months had elapsed, the medical report could only be ‘no
visible signs of intercourse’. Her money is in that joint account.

Would anyone like to predict the chances of an ordinary citizen, let
alone a tribal woman, getting close enough to the Assistant
Commissioner sahib to get his signature? How many palms would have to
be greased?

Still another problem is created by the provision in the Niyam that
fifty thousand rupees was the minimum sum that would be paid. It is
actually a dehumanising provision, although at first glance it may
appear to be kind and generous. It means that various officials have
to find time to sit together, apply their minds and weigh whether that
particular victim’s experience was sufficiently bad to merit more
money, and if so how much. In the meanwhile she gets nothing. Tulsi
Bai is probably one such woman; despite several attempts even the
researchers could not discover anything about the amount of her
compensation from the Department of Tribal Development. Yet the police
could disclose that all the four accused had been convicted and each
one had received a seven-year sentence. Her case is all the more
notable because that was the only conviction in all the twentytwo
cases.

Allowances and Expenses

The Central Rules as well as the Niyam provide for several allowances.
Travel expenses (fares) and travel allowance, and a daily allowance
are provided for travelling to the places of investigation and of
trial. There is provision for medical expenses. A separate maintenance
allowance is also mentioned. However, after recognising their need for
financial assistance on a daily basis, the Niyam does not put the
money within their reach. One would expect on-the-spot payment for the
expenses incurred. The place of occurrence is usually not far from the
victim’s home. But the court can be quite far. In tribal areas it
usually is. One would expect disbursement in the court premises at the
end of the hearing. The Niyam requires disbursement of the allowances
and expenses by the District Magistrate, or a Sub-Divisional or an
Executive Magistrate, within three days of the expense being incurred.
Nothing in India moves within three days. It would mean repeated self-
financed trips to the officer. The overall impression we received was
that people spent their own money for travel, food and medical
treatment. One family had even sold a plot of land to meet their
expenses.

At least the Magistrates sit in the same town as the court. In Surguja
district the Block Education Officer or BEO dispensed the money. The
BEO’s office is not in the same town as the court. He sits in the
block headquarters. Many persons would have to travel in a different
direction—at their own cost—to collect the money. Even the police were
sympathetic about it. Secondly, on every visit the victim would have
to explain who she was and why she claimed the money. It does not
require much imagination to visualise the looks she would get and the
whispers she would hear.

The need to produce a jati certificate, the inability to act without a
middleman and the sheer distances are other hurdles. The Public
Prosecutor is not always as helpful as he should be but sometimes it
is quite the reverse. Postal service to remote villages is quite
irregular and the victim may not find out that the amount is waiting
for her. This is what happened to Uttara. Neither she nor her family
knew anything about her compensation.

Rehabilitation: Policy and Practice

Under the Akasmikata Yojana Niyam of 1995 there are a few provisions
for rehabilitation such as education, self-employment, monthly
subsistence allowance, but they are not meant for victims of rape.
Meera, Anju and Parvati, all minors, had been forced to stop going to
school. They needed admission to hostels under the Chhatravas scheme.
Parvati had abusive parents. Uttara actually had to live on the
rapist’s land. She needed somewhere safe to stay and a safe workplace.
So did Nirjo Bai who had been abandoned by her disapproving husband.
She too needed somewhere safe to stay. But the Niyam did not cover
them. To my lasting regret, we failed to help these girls and women.

Social rehabilitation is further complicated by the widespread custom
of Jati Milan. A woman who is polluted by intercourse with a non-
tribal even if she is not a willing partner—is immediately outcast
until she is purified. This entails a feast for the panches of five
villages and elders of her own village. A Jati Milan has always been
an expensive affair. We were told that it costs around three to four
thousand rupees. It would come as no surprise if it had become more
expensive after the compensation amounts became known. In many
applications for speedy relief the need to provide this feast was
specifically mentioned.

We have mentioned Uttara more than once. It is time to tell her story.
She lived in Bilaspur district. This young unmarried woman was totally
ostracised by everyone, including her family. So she had nowhere to
live. The village then asked the rapist to house her. When the team
was inquiring for her tactfully, one man corrected them on many
details including her name. The researchers were curious to know how
he knew so much about her. ‘I know,’ he said, ‘because I raped her.’
He was a married man and lived with his wife and children in the same
village. He built a hut for her on his land. The team recorded that he
had easy access to her whenever he wished. When the team discovered
that the first amount of compensation had been sanctioned for Uttara,
they made a special trip to tell her. But she was working somewhere
outside the village, and they could not meet her. After the Jati Milan
she will be able to live in her community.

Yet parents avoid Jati Milan if they can because it is a public
admission that their daughter had been raped. If she is unmarried, it
ruins her chances of marriage. They can do it by concealing the rape.
If at all they file a complaint and the case drags on, their choice is
between publicising the incident by repeated visits to the court or
turning hostile. They frequently choose the second option, especially
if they have succeeded in arranging the girl’s marriage in a distant
place, where no one knows about her past. Gunjo Bai’s parents shifted
out altogether to a distant area where no one would know their guilty
secret.

A victim who cannot escape out of the area has a tough time. In an
otherwise formal report the team wrote that twelve-year-old Parvati
from Bilaspur district cried her heart out while narrating the
incident to them. She said that the people in her neighbourhood teased
her by calling her dhoban (as the man who raped her was a dhobi) and
they made fun of her. Her own mother abused her and accused her with
getting a man to satisfy her desires. Her mother and step-father
frequently beat her up. Parvati was very keen to continue her studies.
She said with a pathetic pride that she had been a good student. But
the Niyam did not provide that for her.

The Jati Milan is one example of our sweeping practice of respecting
the customs and culture of minorities—which includes the weaker
sections —going horribly wrong. With or without the Jati Milan, the
lives of all these girls and women had changed forever. Their victim
status was burned into them for the rest of their lives. The custom is
like a sword at their throats. The Jati Milan does not really help the
victim although it lifts the ban from the rest of the family.

Who uses the Money?

Apart from the large expense of Jati Milan, some money is still left
over from the first cash payment. As with our first study, we found it
was the men in the family who controlled it. Parvati’s account is in
the name of herself and her mother. She complained that her step-
father had bought himself a watch, some clothes, a quintal of rice and
was planning to buy himself a bicycle. Parvati was afraid to protest
as she feared more beatings and also that she would be thrown out of
the house. But she could see she would get very little of the money.
Nineteen-year-old Kamalpatti lived with her paternal uncle as her
father had remarried. The uncle had used up all but twentyfive hundred
rupees for himself and his family. He had not even bought a sari for
her. The story was no different with older women. We must mention that
the money is also frittered away in bribes to middlemen. One woman had
become so used to it that she even offered one to the team.

Is Compensation of any Help?

We have been driven to conclude that it is not. Most of the time the
victim does not even see the money. It does not make her life better.
It may even make it worse. If her menfolk want her to claim any
assistance, she must endlessly repeat her story. As has happened, an
occasional false case is filed by vindictive male relatives. Then the
whisper goes around that all cases are false, no respectable woman
would ever say she was raped. This is a common belief among mofussil
lawyers and policemen even in non-tribal areas. Here there is
compensation to be got. Now the attitude is, ‘they only want the
money, you know’. The rape is repeatedly flaunted in her face by her
own people and the operators of the system There is no forgetting,
there is no healing.

A Comparison of the Two Studies

While comparisons are odious, my overall impression is that the tribal
people are treated much more shabbily, even insultingly, by officials.
The FIRs illustrate this point. The team was particularly horrified to
read the voyeuristic and obscene language used to describe the act of
rape. The researchers pointed out that the women or girls did not use
such words when they talked together. Those words are read out to the
victim in the court and she asked to confirm them. This happens
several times. Even in a trial in camera there are at least four to
five men present. They are the judge, his clerk and the two lawyers
and the ubiquitous peon. One can only imagine her humiliation.
Secondly, their own community is much harsher towards them.

Although Gandhiji did mention of upliftment of the Scheduled Tribes in
his 18-point Constructive Programme, the main focus of his struggle
for social justice had been eradication of untouchability. More
explicably, but with equally less justification, Dr Ambedkar’s
attention was also mainly centred on the Scheduled Castes. The
Scheduled Tribes were in the category ‘also ran’. Routinely, almost
mechanically, we too speak of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes in the same breath. Under the Constitution too there is the
office of the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Yet, the two groups of communities are quite different from each
other. The Scheduled Tribes are not forest dwelling Scheduled Castes.
By thus clubbing them together we have done grave injustice to them.
The current Act is no exception. The tribal people can cope much less
with the state’s formal system. They need specific help. Our research
made it painfully clear that unless the official and public attitude
towards the Scheduled Tribes changes, and even more important, unless
they themselves are better able to deal with the system, the laws will
be of little use to them.

The points made in the article on the Scheduled Caste victims in Uttar
Pradesh bear repetition. Monetary compensation must not be the focus
of state action. Monetary assistance must be given quickly and
discretely. Efficient investigation, speedy trial and severe sentences
would do more for the victim in real terms. She and her family also
need social rehabilitation, which is a difficult, lengthy process,
involving change in deeprooted prejudices. The two studies brought
home to us another stark reality. It is not only the middle class that
penalises the rape victim. Rape is one crime for which the victim is
punished by all communities, and not only in India. Jati Milan is not
unique; different purification rites exist in other tribes such as the
Gonds and Santals. The lynch justice of the OBC panchayats is too well
known.

Only one question remains to be asked. Now that Chattisgarh has become
a tribal State, will Parvati, Uttara, Anju, Santara, Tulsi Bai have
safer lives? Will some research scholars take up the studies where we
left off?

Footnote

1. One would like to avoid the word victim; but of the two other
choices ‘women and girls’ is much more cumbersome and ‘female’, like
the rapist, reduces her to only her sex.

The author is an independent scholar. She was the Founder Executive
Director of Multiple Action Research Group (MARG), New Delhi. She
writes on socio-legal issues.

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Mainstream, Vol XLVII, No 37, August 29, 2009

Manmohan Singh and Naxal-Maoist Upsurge
Clash of Models of Development

Monday 31 August 2009, by Ambrose Pinto

The Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, has described the Maoist uprising
as ‘the biggest internal security challenge ever faced by our country’
as several States, like Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Andhra
Pradesh, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, are facing internal
insurgency by Naxals and Maoists. The Maoists, in turn, have declared
Dr Manmohan Singh as the biggest threat to the security of the
country. While the Prime Minister has made it clear that the
government will not hesitate to use the armed forces to curb Naxal and
Maoist violence in Jharkhand and other places, the Naxals and Maoists
have asserted their desire to continue their struggles against the
state. During the last three months, the Maoists have killed almost
110 policemen in Chhattisgarh and have been responsible for violence
in other parts of the country. The writ of the state has been given a
serious blow in Lalgarh area where the Maoist People’s Committee is in
full control of everyday affairs and in several other parts of India.
In Karnataka the group is getting a hold in forest areas.

Both the Prime Minister and the Maoists are honest and sincere in
their statements and pronouncements. They mean what they say. Nobody
in the country doubts the sincerity and honesty of our Prime Minister.
The commitment of the Maoists and Naxals to create a new social order
through armed struggle is also not doubted. What really is then the
issue? The real issue is the battle between two models of development.
Dr Manmohan Singh represents a neo-liberal model of development which
is premised on foreign investments, welcoming of multinational and
transnational corporations at the cost of destroying local
entrepreneurship and resources. World recession has caused havoc even
in the lives of the upwardly mobile. Unemployment is on the increase.
There is misery and impoverishment all over the country. Farmers in
the country have been committing suicides in the southern part of the
country known for years as the more prosperous area than the north.
The neo-liberal model has failed. And yet, the Prime Minister and his
government continue to talk the language of neo-liberalism. Instead of
working on an alternative model of development, in spite of the
miseries caused by the neo-liberal model of development, the
government continues the rhetoric of the free market.

It is this model of development that the Naxals and Maoists are
opposing. They are asking for a local model of development that would
not destroy the life and livelihood of the people from subaltern
communities instead of the global model. They are asserting for
inclusion. Because they are excluded from the present model of
development, the Naxals and Maoists have found new recruits who have
come to believe that armed rebellion against the state is the only way
to break the hold of corporations and foreign capital who are in nexus
with the state. Both the Naxals and Maoists are committed to the
owning of local resources by local people instead of mortgaging the
country for transnationals and multinationals. Their struggle has been
for land rights and the right of the Dalits and tribals to control
their land. There is an increasing awareness among the poor that the
successors of the founding fathers have failed to accommodate the
legitimate grievances of the impoverished communities inhabiting
India. Instead of working for land reforms and equitable distribution
of resources, in recent years the governments have been providing free
land and resources to foreign companies. Special economic zones are a
theft of the land from the tillers. Corporations have been destroying
ecology and environment. They have refused to be accountable to the
state. As a result of the neo-liberal policies, the socio-economic
situation has worsened of late especially for the poor, the tribals
and the Dalits. In fact, the major force of the Naxal and Maoist cadre
comes from the members of the socio-economically discriminated
communities who have been robbed of their resources in the name of
development. At present, the Maoists have a presence in 40 per cent of
India’s geographical area and are especially concentrated in a region
commonly known as ‘Naxal belt’ comprising 92,000 square kilometres.
The reason for the increasing influence of the Maoists and Naxalites
is the deteriorating socio-economic situation in vast parts of the
country, especially in the rural, tribal and forest regions.

In the last week of July 2009, according to several NGO organisations,
there were mass demonstrations across India demanding democracy in the
forests. Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh,
Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and Orissa also witnessed chakka jams, rasta
rokos, dharnas, morchas and other protests. Tens of thousands of
people joined morchas, dharnas and rasta rokos. Their demands were to
halt the Forest Department’s interference, exclusion of rights of
holders on forest land to outsiders, and violation of people’s rights
under the Forest Rights Act; to recognise tribal rights and power to
protect and control their forests and resources; to stop illegally
destroying forests and robbing the indigenous people of their
resources through diversion for private companies and large projects.
There is no doubt, political exclusion and socio-economic
underdevelopment lay beneath the estrangement of the peasants, casual
workers and tribals. The vicinities in which the Naxalites operate are
in dire need of economic development. The local villagers view the new
development with tremendous insecurity since they are aware that they
will not be able to gain from such developmental projects. The
majority of the populace considers economic projects simply an excuse
for ‘rapacious developers’ to seize land from the tillers without
adequate compensation.

The claims of the Maoists that they are fighting on behalf of the
rural poor and the landless peasants cannot be totally ignored. Given
the fact that the state has embraced neo-liberalism or market economy,
the Maoists justify their actions as part of the political programme
to overthrow the Indian state, comprising the big landlord-comprador,
bureaucratic, bourgeoisie classes and the multinational and
transnational corporations that back them, through armed struggle and
establish a people’s democratic state under the leadership of the
proletariat. It is unfortunate that civilians have become victims of
both the Maoist violence and the State governments’ plans to curb the
Maoists. The Maoists have been using force to recruit membership. In
many States, the private armies and vigilante groups have been
sponsored by the government to counter the Maoists. Tens of thousands
of civilians have been displaced by the fighting between the Maoists
and counter-insurgents. In one of the worse affected states,
Chattisgarh, over 40,000 tribal people have been moved to the
inadequate government camps. The Maoists are building up a wider
network involving associates in neighbouring countries. The wider
strategic motive of the Maoist rebels is to carve out a Compact
Revolutionary Zone (CRZ) spreading from Nepal through Bihar up to the
Dandakarnaya region of Andhra Pradesh.

Successive Union governments have mooted multi-pronged solutions to
resolve the problem of the Maoists but without any concrete result on
the ground. Deploying armed forces is no solution. That would only
aggravate the issue. Instead the government authorities must show
their commitment to implement land reforms, weed out corruption and
provide people just and responsive governance in order to deprive the
insurgents of their fodder. The Naxal problem is solvable.
Unfortunately, politicians and high-ranking bureaucrats do not see it.
It will be ugly for the Government of India to mix it up with the
jihadi problem or treat it as a law and order issue. The passage of
the Forest Rights Act in December 2006 was a historic step forward for
the struggle against the autocratic, brutal and repressive rule of
colonial laws and the Forest Department in India’s forests. But the
mere passage of a law is not enough to overturn a century of
oppression. Today, the fight continues for a new order in the forests—
one built around democracy instead of bureaucracy, around the people
rather than the officials, and around the forests and their citizens
rather than the corporates and capitalists. The best way to fight
Naxalism is to reform the Forest Land Act to give land ownership to
tribals and to share larger amount of profits (from minerals) with the
locals. Similarly, it is important to work out land reforms and create
employment for marginalised communities. Otherwise, it will be inhuman
to fight against Naxalites or Maoists. Theirs is a fight for their
legitimate resources and a share in India’s economy that is mortgaged
to multinationals and transnationals. When the global economy becomes
local and the local economy becomes the economy of the people of the
locality, Naxalism and Maoism will surely disappear. On the other
hand, if local resources and livelihoods continue to be mortgaged to
multinational and transnational companies and the poor are looted of
their legitimate resources, the extremist forces would only strengthen
themselves.

Dr. (Fr.) Ambrose Pinto SJ, is the former Director of the Indian
Social Institute, New Delhi, and the present Principal of St. Joseph’s
College, Bangalore

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Mainstream, Vol XLVII, No 32, July 25, 2009

Adivasi: A Contentious Term to denote Tribes as Indigenous Peoples of
India
Monday 27 July 2009, by J.J. Roy Burman

In India the term ‘Adivasi’ has gained immense popularity in the last
few decades to identify the tribes. This term is more commonly brought
to use by the NGO circles and activists of the ‘mainstream’ or
‘mainland’ India. The term has also gained currency amongst the tribes
mainly belonging to central India. In Kerala too the tribes of late
prefer to be identified as ‘Adivasi’. In Hindi the term ‘Adivasi’
means original settlers.

The term Adivasi is not portrayed just for literary reasons. It has a
political underpinning. It has often been used to convey the position
of exclusion of the tribes (Kumar: 2001: 4052-4054) and their
subaltern status (Ekka: 2000-2001: 4610-4612) The term Adivasi has
been even used to focus the tribal rights (Dietrich: 2000), their
resistance (Pati: 2001), protests (Viswanath: 1997), assertions
(Hardiman: 1988, Rahul: 1998), struggles (Raman: 2002) and movements.
(Bijoy and Raman: 2003) The term in a way conveys a sense of
‘empowerment’ of the tribes. This empowerment is being asserted by
linking with the global indigenous people’s movement.

Bijoy (2003) writes:

The 67.7 million people belonging to ‘Scheduled Tribe’ in India are
generally considered to be ‘Adivasi’, literally meaning ‘Indigenous
People’ or original inhabitants, though the term ‘Scheduled
Tribe’ (ST) is not coterminous with the term ‘Adivasi’. Scheduled
Tribe is an administrative term used for the purpose of
‘administering’ certain specific constitutional privileges, protection
and benefits for specific section of peoples historically considered
disadvantaged and ‘backward’. However, this administrative term does
not exactly match all the peoples called ‘Adivasi’. Out of the 5653
distinct communities in India, 635 are considered to be ‘tribes’ or
‘Adivasis’. In comparison, one finds that estimated number of STs
varies from 250 to 593.

It must, however, be stated that the Indian Constitution does not use
the term ‘Adivasi’ and instead refers to the STs as ‘Anusuchit Jana
Jati’. Traditionally ‘Jana’ was the more popular term to refer to the
tribes in the Hindi heartland. (Ray: 1972)

One of the prime factors for claiming aboriginal or indigenous status
for the tribes is to enable them to gain territorial, land rights and
control over natural resources. There are, however, vicious forces in
the country who are overtly active in not conceding these rights. The
Hindutva forces term the tribes as ‘Vanvasi’. This term not only
conveys a sense of primitiveness but also tries to deny the
territorial rights. The Gandhians too were not very far from it and
they considered the tribes more from a culturological position and
referred to them as ‘Vanyajati’.

It is disconcerting that most of the anthropologists and sociologists
have either remained indifferent to such developments or have
passively supported the ‘Adivasi’ terminology and thus jeopardised the
legitimate rights and interests of the tribes dwelling in the regions
beyond the Hindi heartland. At the outset it needs to be realised that
a nation-state like India is not a cultural but political entity which
was borne due to a quirk of history. Imposing Hindi as a national and
official State language over all the regions is not a very civilised
act—it smacks of North Indian chauvinism. Secondly, it is also not
true that the tribes in all quarters of the country are aboriginals of
the regions where they inhabit at present. While the famous historian
Kosambi (1956) viewed that the tribes had migrated to the plain areas
at a much later date only after the vegetation had thinned out and
wild animals became less numerous—making the area less dangerous for
human habitation and fit for settled cultivation, Archana Prasad
(2003), the young scholar from Jamia Millia Islamia, Delhi, feels that
the tribes practising settled cultivation in the plains were pushed to
the hills and forests by the profligate Aryan invaders and later Hindu
settled cultivators and the outside traders. Either way the tribes are
not autochthons of the spaces occupied by them at present. In 1980s
Andre Betteille` had similarly expressed about the inapplicability of
the concept of aborigine to the tribesmen in India. (Personal
communication)

The autochthon status of the tribes in their present habitats in
different parts of the country can be easily contested. The Kukis in
Manipur or the Luseis of Mizoram have migrated to their present areas
of dominance from South China and Chin Hills only a couple of
centuries back. The Kukis were settled by the British in the Naga
predominant areas so as to create a buffer between the Nagas and the
Vaishnavite Meiteis. The Sailo chiefs belonging to the Lusei tribe
were encouraged by the British to operate as labour contractors for
constructing roads in the remote areas of Mizoram. The aboriginal
tribes of the State who were pushed to the western borders along
Tripura are now known as Tuikuk. In Tripura the tribal king had as a
policy invited many Reangs and Chakmas to settle in the State so as to
augment the production of cotton through jhum cultivation and ensure
forward linkage to the cotton mills. Even the Bodos, believed to be a
secondary formation, had migrated in waves from the Bhutan hills to
settle in their present domains in Assam. The Toto tribe of Totopara
on the borders of North Bengal and Bhutan is too a secondary formation
as it evolved as a constellation out of a number of migrant criminal
clans who were pushed out by the Bhutan kingdom. The matrilineal
Khasis of Meghalaya who belong to the Mon-Khmer linguistic group are
believed to have migrated from the Kampuchea region. The Denzong
Bhutias, the royal Sikkimese tribe, too on record have migrated from
Tibet, in the historical past. The Santhals of Rajmahal Hills or
Santhal Parganas in Jharkhand had similarly migrated from the plains
of Birbhum and Midnapur, West Bengal, in historical times.

Thirdly, it is important to note that the tribes in India are not the
only group to claim indigenous status. Even many of the Dalit
intellectuals have made similar assertions. (Massey: 1994) Next, the
Government of India itself refuses to grant indigenous status to the
tribes. One of the important reasons for this is that a few Brahmin
and Rajput communities like the Jaunsari in Uttarakhand or the Kanaura
in Himachal Pradesh have been enlisted as Scheduled Tribe. More
importantly, the term ‘Adivasi’ is popularly used in North Bengal,
Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura to
refer to the tea plantation labourers—the tribes like Santhal, Munda,
Oraon and Ho who had migrated to the region during the British
colonial period. The local tribes in these States find it humiliating
to identify themselves as ‘Adivasi’. The indigenous Rabha, Mech and
Rajbansi tribes/ethnic groups in North Bengal prefer to identify
themselves by their own names and not as ‘Adivasi’. The Sikkimese
tribesmen too identify the migrant plantation labourers from
Chotanagpur as ‘Adivasi’ and not by their specific tribal names. The
Santhal, Oraon, Munda and Ho migrant tribes in the Sunderbans of West
Bengal, working as agricultural labourers or cultivating small farms,
are collectively referred to as ‘Adivasi’ by the local Bengali
settlers, a majority of whom are Scheduled Castes. The term ‘Adivasi’
therefore, remains a generic name in East and North-East India for
identifying the migrant tribal labourers and small peasants from
central India.¨

In most places in North Bengal and North-East India, the adivasis are
considered to be encroachers or intruders. During the Naxalite uprisal
at Naxalbari in the late 1960s the Rajbansis en-block resisted the
onslaught of the adivasi landgrabbers. Ethnic clashes between the
indigenous Bodos and adivasi encroachers in the Bodoland Territorial
Council areas are endemic. In one such clash a few years back hundreds
of Santhals were killed by the Bodo militants. The Bodo Territorial
Council (BTC) is contemplating to move the Supreme Court against the
recommendations of the 2006 Tribes and Forest Dwellers Act, which
stipulates regularising lands encroached in government forests prior
to December 13, 2005. Almost 40 per cent of the forests in the Bodo
areas have been encroached upon and majority of the encroachers is
outside migrants (many of them are adivasis). The interests of the
Bodos and adivasis do not match at all and the former had infact,
opposed the formation of autonomus Bodo Territorial Council. They had
even led several rallies in Guwahati, the State capital of Assam.

The tribes of Arunachal Pradesh are extremely peeved by the presence
of Chakma refugees who claim an indigenous status in the international
forums. The tribal students of the state led a protracted movement
against the Chakmas. The All Assam Tribal Sangha (AATS) comprising of
various tribal organisations, including Bodo, Karbi, Dimasa and Tiwa
student organisations are opposing the Adivasi demand for ST status,
alleging if granted, it would affect the interests of tribals of
Assam. According to AATS, the Adivasis did not fulfill the requisite
criteria of their inclusion in the ST list as they are not originally
from Assam. (Internet: Indopia)

It needs to be reiterated that it would be a gross mistake to consider
the term ‘Adivasi’ to be equivalent to the term ‘Tribe’ in India. This
could only reinforce the anti-Indian feelings among many of the tribes
inhabiting, North Bengal, Sikkim and other North-Eastern States. The
term will be considered pejorative and humiliating to most of them. It
must be realised that the term tribe itself is a colonial construct
and ‘aboriginal’ ‘autochthon’ percepts are outcome of colonial
conquests. The so-called ‘friends of tribes’ in India have been
amateurishly trying to romanticise the term in the name of radical
empowerment. The tribal situation in India is extremely heterogeneous
and a unified approach may not do justice to all the communities. It
must also be understood that the definition of ‘Indigenous Peoples’ as
projected by the UN Working Group for Indigenous Peoples has an
European bias as it states,

Indigenous peoples and nations are those which, having a historical
continuity with their pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that
developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from
other sectors of societies, now prevailing in those territories or
parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society
and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future
generation their ancestral territories and their ethnic identity as
the basis of their continuous existence as peoples in accordance with
their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal system.

The tribes residing in territories not externally colonised are not
deemed to be indigenous as a consequence. This leaves out the scope of
around 120 tribal communities in Europe from being declared as
indigenous peoples (Griggs: 1993). Their rights of self-determination
too are denied as a result. The Basques of Spain and Portugal,
Skanians in Sweden, Cornish, Welsh and Shetlanders in the UK are
consequently denied of several rights and privileges enjoyed by
indigenous people in other parts of the world. It is similarly feared
that the use of the term ‘Adivasi’ in an unqualified manner may fail
to ensure legitimate rights of many of the authentic indigenous
tribes/ peoples in India. In the name of ‘Adivasi’ pressures are put
on the Indian government by the western sources to ensure all types of
rights for them. In India some of the tribal NGOs linked to Jharkhand,
Chhattisgarh and Delhi which have intimate links with the European
Indigenous People’s Movement groups are mainly responsible for trying
to popularise the ‘Adivasi’ concept in the last few decades. They too
are trying prop up the ‘Adivasi’ movements in North-East India. In
many areas this is leading to serious ethnic conflicts with the
indigenous tribes.

Kar and Sharma (1990) have elaborated the imminent dangers of this:

Most local tribes are opposed to the adivasis being included in the
list of Scheduled Tribe. They are estimated to be around 20 per cent
of the Assam population, that is, more than 40 lakhs, while the Bodos
are a little over 27 lakhs. The total number of tribes in the
northeast being a little over 80 lakhs, if the adivasis are included
in the schedule, the number of tribals in the northeast will rise by
50 per cent and they would be a third of the total. Many tribal groups
are afraid that it will lead to competition for the few jobs available
and for the depleted natural resources. As a result, most tribal of
the region oppose their inclusion. Moreover, the adivasis are
considered outsiders since they were brought by the British from
Jharkhand as plantation labourers. The British appropriated the land
of the local populations through unjust means. Since the adivasis
worked on this land as indentured labour, the resentment of the local
people at losing their land to the colonialist (partners) is not
surprising.

To conclude, the term ‘indigenous peoples’ itself appears to be
contentious in the Indian context as there are many claimants to it;
these include the Dalits (claiming their Dravidian antecedence), the
Vaishnavite Meiteis of Manipur and the caste Hindus of Assam. It will
perhaps be always better to avoid using the popular NGO nomenclature
‘Advisai’ in the tenors of serious academic discourse when dealing
with the notion of indigenous groups in the Indian context. n

References

Bijoy, C.R. and Raman, K.R., 2003, “The Real Story: Adivasi Movements
to Recover Land” in EPW, Vol. 38, No. 20 (May 17-23).

Bijoy, C.R., 2003, “The Adivasis of India A History of Discrimination,
Conflict and Resistance” in PUCL Bulletin, February.

Dietrich, G., 2000, “Dams and People: Adivasi Land Rights” in EPW,
Vol. 35 No. 38 (September 16-22).

Ekka, A., 2000-01, “Jharkhand Tribals: Are They Really a Minority?” in
EPW, Vol. 35. No. 52/53 (December 30, 2000-January 5, 2001).

Griggs, R.R.A., 1993, Role of World Nations; Washington: Centre for
World Indigenous Peoples.

Hardiman, D., 1987, The Coming of the Devi: Adivasi Assertion in
Western India; Delhi: OUP.

Kar, R.K. and Sharma, K.L., 1990, “Ethnic Identity of Tea Labour: A
Case Study in Assam” in D. Pakem (ed.) Nationality, Ethnicity and
Cultural Identity in North-East India; New Delhi: Omsons.

Kosambi, D.D., 1956, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History,
Bombay: Popular Prakashan.

Kumar, S., 2001, “Adivsias of South Orissa: Enduring Poverty” in EPW,
Vol. 36, No. 43 (October 27-November 2).

Massey, J., 1994, “Indigenous People: Dalits: Dalit Issues in Today’s
Theological Debate”.

Pati, B., 2001, “Identity, Hegemony, Resistance: Conversions in
Orissa” in EPW, Vol. 36, No. 44 (November 3-9).

Prasad, A., 2003, Against Ecological Romanticism: Verier Elwin and The
Making of an Anti-Modern Tribal Identity, New Delhi: Three Essays
Collective.

Rahul, 1998, “Bhil Women of Nimad: Growing Assertion” in EPW, Vol. 33,
No. 9 (February 28-March 6).

Raman, K.R., 2002, “Breaking New Ground: Adivasi Land Struggle in
Kerala” in EPW, Vol. 37, No. 10 (March 9-15).

Ray, N., 1972, “Introductory Address” in K.S. Singh (ed.) Tribal
Situation in India; Shimla: IIAS.

Viswanath, C.K., 1997, “Adivasis: Protesting Land Alienation” in EPW,
Vol. 32, No. 32 (August 9-15).

The author belongs to the Faculty of the Tata Institute of Social
Sciences, Mumbai.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-11 18:59:48 UTC
Permalink
http://kafila.org/2009/10/04/some-stories-are-never-told/

by: Shivam Vij | October 4, 2009 Some stories are never told

So what is Maywati in news for? For statues and concrete parks, for
being reprimanded by the Supreme Court and for being insecure about
Rahul Gandhi trying to woo Dalit voters away from her. And for not
garlanding Gandhi.

Did anyone tell you the story of a scheme she came up with, a simple
one, nothing as complicated as Mahatma Gandhi National Rural
Corruption Guarantee Act. A scheme that simply hires sweepers for the
village, from the village.

Well, someone just did, and I can’t thank him enough. Here it is.

There are many such stories, but we don’t want to hear them. Let’s
just gaze at the Mayawati statue and wonder when it’s coming down.

Posted in Countryside, Politics
« नक्सलवाद के ख़िलाफ़ अभियान कि नाम परA postcard from Bombay for Raj »

Responses

Dear All,
Great to hear Mayawati doing coming up with innovative, real and grass
root oriented equitable and just schemes.
On another note…join protest against land aqusition of 200 villages in
noida today. We request progressive intellectuals and activists to
also raise their voice against such policies of radical CM mayawati…

By: dewaan on October 5, 2009
at 10:20 AM

All hindu led government in states are giving free land to business
groups at least Mayawati government is acquiring land on market
rates.TATA,Birla,JK,Ambani,Infosys got free land for their projct in
different states.infosys got free land at mysore.Hindus are protecting
hindus and talking nonsense against mayawati.

By: Kumarpushp on October 7, 2009
at 12:11 AM

I used to wonder how come she is so popular? Is it only due to the
dalit votes?

It is true that I did not know she does lot of good things too. I wish
we will also get to know them apart from the usual stories on her .

By: Jayalakshmi on October 5, 2009
at 11:01 AM

There is another wonderful scheme she has come up with – The Mayavathi
Liquor Tax. This is also a simple ingeneous one, not complicated and
can be understood with basic arithmetic. You pay 15 rupees extra for
every purchase of a quarter bottle of liquor. The liquor can be either
local, phoren or country. But finally Mayavathi and BSP gets something
like a 1000 crores an year. Superb aint it.

By: Vinay on October 6, 2009
at 1:16 PM

dear Vinay,do you think other hindu led governments are digging oil
well and getting mony or your hindu led governments are giving tax
free liquor to people .

By: Kumarpushp on October 7, 2009
at 12:14 AM

Governments have the right to levy taxes that go into the treasury.
It’s public money used for public purposes. Are you saying liquor in
other states is tax free? Or that the tax in this case is being
collected by the BSP?

By: Shivam Vij on October 6, 2009
at 1:28 PM

Shivam,

the details in that story are quite intriguing. It is a scheme right ?
Usually that means that the karamcharis are not permanent government
employees. It means that Reservations laws dont apply to these posts.
It means that the employees are on the muster rolls and not on
payrolls.

Where is the money for this coming from ? In similar schemes in other
states, the deal was that the village pays part of the salary, and the
government takes money out of some project funding to make a matching
contribution.

In some instances it was used to build party cadres. In many cases,
the new appointees made a deal with the village – we dont do the work,
you dont pay us. We pay the leaders an initial bribe and they let us
withdraw the matching grant from the government for as long as
possible. On paper everything will look as if it is working.

I could be totally wrong about this — but from the details in the
story – it seems that somehow, a scheme of the sort described above
has turned around at least in some villages. As much as I would love
to give credit to Mayawati for this, I need more convincing details. :
(

By: Anant M. on October 6, 2009
at 8:34 PM

here is another interesting scheme of the UP government- incentives
and awards for inter-caste and inter-community marriages.

http://www.thehindu.com/2009/10/06/stories/2009100656630700.htm

By: janaki on October 6, 2009
at 10:38 PM

One of the other innovative schemes that Mayawati has implemented is
the hiring of Mukhtar Ansari, Anna Maharaj, Umakant Yadav, DP Yadav
etc etc to uplift the poor, dalits and minoroties……

By: UB Tiwari on October 7, 2009
at 10:02 AM

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-12 09:22:19 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/kolkata/Maoists-losing-grip-on-Lalgarh-residents-intelligence-report/Article1-464129.aspx

Maoists losing grip on Lalgarh residents: intelligence report
Press Trust Of India
Kolkata, October 12, 2009

First Published: 12:50 IST(12/10/2009)
Last Updated: 12:53 IST(12/10/2009)

Maoists have started losing their sway over the people of Lalgarh and
its surrounding areas in the wake of a sustained operation by the
joint forces and the arrest of tribal leaders Chhatradhar Mahato and
Sukhshanti Baske.

According to intelligence reports, the people whose confidence the
Maoists had gained by espousing their cause, have stopped supplying
food and medicine to the extremists, indicating an end to the
bonhomie.

The reports said that a rift had emerged between members and
supporters of the People's Committee against Police Atrocities (PCPA)
following the joint forces operation and the arrest of the two tribal
leaders.

The frontline leaders of the PCPA are increasingly finding it
difficult to carry forward their movement due to intensified police
operations, the reports said.

Also the Maoists have few sophisticated arms left in their possession
and whatever arms they have at present are primitive, the reports say.

Intelligence sources said that after the report reached the state
police, Director General of Police Bhupinder Singh along with other
top officials held a meeting on Saturday to decide the future course
of action.

Underground Maoist leader Kishenji, however, rubbished the reports,
saying they were without basis. "It is true we are at present having
less programmes, but that is because of the festive season."

Speaking from an undisclosed location, the Maoist leader said they
were concentrating more on solving problems of the local people than
fighting the joint forces.

Meanwhile, the police and the administration are using the "declining
popularity" of the extremists to their advantage by trying to woo the
people through an extensive public relations exercise.

West Midnapore superintendent of police, Monoj Verma, told PTI over
phone that recently they had held a football tournament in Ramgarh
where 32 teams from 26 villages participated.

At the end of the tournament on Sunday they arranged a picnic where
not only the participants but also the locals took part.

"Sunday was the final of the football tournament and nearly 3000
people had their lunch in the picnic that we arranged," Verma said.

He said a similar soccer tournament was held at neighbouring
Kantapahari which was a "huge success".

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-12 09:24:25 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/tamilnadu/Dalits-to-enter-temple-on-Oct-14/Article1-464146.aspx

Dalits to enter temple on Oct 14
Press Trust Of India
Porayar (TN), October 12, 2009

First Published: 13:30 IST(12/10/2009)
Last Updated: 14:00 IST(12/10/2009)

The standoff over the issue of entry of Dalits into a temple in
Chettipulam village has been resolved following peace talks held by
the Nagapattinam District Administration.

At the talks held on Saturday involving the villagers, leaders of CPI-
M, who spearheaded an agitation over the issue, and revenue officials,
it was decided that the Dalits would be allowed to enter the temple on
October 14, officials said today.

On September 30, about 300 workers of CPI(M) led by Nagapattinam MLA
Marimuthu organised a temple entry agitation at Chettipulam alleging
that Dalits were not being allowed entry into the Kamakshi Amman
Sametha Ekambareshwarar temple.

When they visited the village on September 30, the temple reportedly
remained closed. The CPI(M) staged a road blockade near the temple.
All the 300 workers were arrested and later released. Anti-
Untouchability Movement, Tamil Nadu, also joined the agitation.

Revenue and police officials sealed the temple to prevent law and
order problems. Later, on Oct 1, hundreds of villagers resorted to
forced entry into the temple breaking open the seal. Cases were
registered against 15 persons in this regard.

To break the deadlock, Nagapattinam Revenue Divisional Officer
Rajendran presided over the peace talks and conveyed to the villagers
that any discrimination on the grounds of caste will attract severe
punishment under various acts.

In the meeting, it was decided that on October 14, Dalits led by
Marimuthu and Vedaranyam MLA Vedaratnam would enter the temple to
offer their prayers.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-12 10:10:36 UTC
Permalink
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=65921&sectionid=4&Itemid=1&issueid=127

Maoists blow up railway tracks
PTI
Ranchi, October 12, 2009

Maoists today blew up railway tracks and torched three trucks in
Jharkhand and blasted a tower of a private telecom firm besides
blocking roads in Bihar during a two-day shutdown called by them in
protest against the Centre's decision to crackdown on Naxals.

In Jharkhand, Maoists blasted railway tracks at Jharandih in the Coal
belt Industrial Chord section in Dhanbad which led to the Shaktipunj
Express and local trains being held up at various points, Senior
Public Relations Officer of Dhanbad Rail Division Amrendra Das said.

A group of 12 armed Maoists also set fire to three trucks in Giridih
district's Isri area and blocked the Dumri-Giridih road with felled
trees, Giridih Superintendent of Police Ravi Kant Dhan said.

They also partially damaged a road bridge connecting Dumri to the
Grand Trunk Road using explosives, the police officer said, adding
gunshots were heard being fired in the area.

In Bihar, armed Maoists bombed a tower of a private telecom firm with
dynamite at Salaiya village and dug roads in Aurangabad district,
officials said.

They also dug up a 15 metre stretch of a road at Chanda village in the
district disrupting traffic between Deo and Dhibra this morning.

The Maoists left behind pamphlets claiming responsibility for the
attacks, the sources said.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-12 17:15:18 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/328121_No-offensive-roles-for-armed-forces-in-Anti-Naxal-ops--Centre

No offensive roles for armed forces in Anti-Naxal ops: Centre
STAFF WRITER 21:52 HRS IST

New Delhi, Oct 12 (PTI) Government today said it would launch anti-
Naxal operations at the time of its choosing but will not involve the
armed forces in offensive roles.

"We would wait till the elections are over and then we will launch the
operations at the time and place of our choosing," Home Secretary G K
Pillai told NDTV.

He said the strategy of the anti-Naxal operations has been discussed
with the chief ministers of the Maoist-hit states in January and in
August.

The state police would lead the anti-Naxal operations and paramilitary
forces will be extending their "full support" to them, Pillai said.

On the use of armed forces in the anti-Naxal operations, he said, "I
do not think there is any use of the Army in the current operation for
securing the area.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-12 17:19:01 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/327956_India-says-will-take-up-Hafiz-Saeed-case-with-Pak

India says will take up Hafiz Saeed case with Pak
STAFF WRITER 20:25 HRS IST

New Delhi, Oct 12 (PTI) Disappointed at Lahore High Court's decision
to scrap terror cases against Jamaat-ud Dawa chief Hafiz Saeed, India
today said it would take up the issue with Pakistan as it was given to
understand that formal investigation would be conducted against him.

Maintaining that Pakistan should investigate Saeed in the Mumbai
attack case, External Affairs Minister S M Krishna said India had
provided evidence about his being the "brain behind" the strike but he
was not booked in that case.

"Our talks with Pakistan Foreign Minister was somewhat on this line
that formal investigation would be done on Hafiz Saeed with reference
to Mumbai," Krishna told reporters while referring to his meeting with
Shah Mahmood Qureshi in New York on the sidelines of UN General
Assembly last month.

"We will take up the matter with Pakistan government...

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-12 17:43:46 UTC
Permalink
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_massive-offensive-against-naxals-to-be-launched-in-november_1298174

'Massive offensive against Naxals to be launched in November'
PTI Monday, October 12, 2009 19:23 IST

New Delhi: The government is all set to launch its massive offensive
against Naxals next month, a top home ministry official today said.

"We will launch the operation sometime in November," the official said
without elaborating. The Cabinet Committee of Security (CCS) had
recently approved the government's new plan to counter Maoists under
which the affected states will have an effective coordination.

According to the plan, six districts of four states-Chhattisgarh,
Jharkhand, Orissa and Maharashtra -- have been initially chosen to
implement the strategy and after its completion, security forces will
be moved into new areas.

According to the plan worked out by the home ministry, the anti-Naxal
operations will be undertaken in states affected by Left-wing
extremism and would be assisted by personnel of CoBRA (Commando
Battalion for Resolute Action), a Central force, with state police in
frontal role.

The home ministry has already discussed the issue threadbare with
chief ministers of Naxal-affected states in the second week of
September.

"We have assigned around 40,000 paramilitary personnel for the
operations and some more will join them soon," the official said.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-12 22:30:21 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhubaneswar/State-plans-to-counter-Naxal-threat-with-land/articleshow/5117332.cms

State plans to 'counter' Naxal threat with land
Rajaram Satapathy, TNN 12 October 2009, 11:12pm IST

BHUBANESWAR: Close on the heels of the mounting unrest on land issues
in tribal areas and the emerging situation looking like giving handles
to Maoists to wreak havoc, Orissa government has asked officials to
expedite implementation of the Central Forest Rights Act.

The government is of the view that distribution of land rights to
tribals could muffle the escalating extremism to some extent.

The ceaseless violence in Narayanpatna, Bandhugaon in Koraput district
and similar such agitations in other areas are cited as a pointer to
the degree of disaffection entrenched deeply in public psyche on the
land issue.

Tribals and non-tribals for whom forest is the source of livelihood
are both entitled to getting the deeds subject to a maximum area of
four hectares. Orissa so far has been able to distribute such deeds to
around 28,400 families.
Functions attended by ministers and ruling BJD MLAs are being
organized for the purpose ostensibly to garner political mileage from
the Central legislation.

Official processing for finally recognizing the rights of people on
forest lands is a multi-layer affair starting from the gram sabha to
the collector. Applications are to be first made to the gram sabhas,
which after examining would forward them to the sub-collector, where
they are to be scrutinized again before being sent to the district
collector concerned.

The deeds will carry the signature of collector, divisional forest
officer (DFO) and another forest official, sources said. Inquiries
revealed close to 3.45 lakh applications were received by gram sabhas,
of which a little over 46,000 had been processed at the collector-
level.

At a meeting convened to review the progress of the implementation of
the Act, chief minister Naveen Patnaik asked the officials to ensure
that the law is implemented without much procedural delay.

"We are also planning to document the distributed lands with tahsildar
so that the beneficiaries do not face much problem. Presently, only
revenue lands are recorded in the revenue department.

There was no survey done earlier for the forest lands," revenue
minister S.N.Patro said. The Act, known as the Scheduled Tribes and
Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act,
2006, was passed in the Parliament on December 18, 2006.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-12 22:33:21 UTC
Permalink
http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/govt-drops-100000-cases-against-tribals/373127/

Govt drops 100,000 cases against tribals

PRESS TRUST OF INDIA / New Delhi October 13, 2009, 0:30 IST

J’khand govt takes step after home ministry nod.

In a major initiative to win goodwill and choke public support for
Naxals, the government has withdrawn over 100,000 cases slapped on
tribals in centrally-ruled Jharkhand.

The Jharkhand government has taken the step following clearance from
the Union home ministry on the recommendation of Governor K
Sankaranarayanan that such an action was necessary, as tribals were
being harassed unnecessarily over petty issues. The cases include
stealing fruit from forest, cutting wood, grazing cattle, hunting and
entering reserved forests without permission. “The tribals are running
from pillar to post in connection with these cases. So, we reviewed
the issue with the state government and advised them to withdraw the
cases and they did it accordingly,” a home ministry official said. “We
hope that by withdrawing the cases, we would be able to win the
goodwill of the tribals and they will help us in the fight against
Naxals,” the official said.

The decision comes in the backdrop of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s
contention that growth of Naxalism “obliges us to look at what it is
that causes the sense of alienation”. The Centre is all set to launch
a massive offensive against Left-wing extremism in Naxal-hit states
like Jharkhand where majority of the population belong to Scheduled
Tribes.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-13 12:31:38 UTC
Permalink
http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601091&sid=aQ_mx59tlnBU

China Protests Indian Leader Singh’s Visit to Disputed Border
By James Rupert

Oct. 13 (Bloomberg) -- China and India exchanged protests today over a
visit by Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to a border region
claimed by both countries.

“China is very unhappy about Indian leaders visiting” the Indian state
of Arunachal Pradesh, said a statement by Foreign Ministry spokesman
Ma Zhaoxu. “We demand that India respect China’s concerns and avoid
inciting tensions,” said the statement, which was posted today on the
ministry’s Web site.

India’s foreign ministry expressed “disappointment and concern” over
the comments, saying in a statement it “does not help the process of
ongoing negotiations” over the unsettled border. India and China
fought a 1962 border war in Arunachal Pradesh and on other parts of
their frontier.

The exchange was the second in a month to raise the issue of the
countries’ disputed 3,550-kilometer (2,220-mile) Himalayan border.
While trade has flourished between the world’s two most populous
countries, their relations still are hobbled by differences over the
frontier, including China’s claim to much of Arunachal Pradesh.

Singh and Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee visited the region this
month to campaign for their Congress Party in state legislative
elections being held today. Congress leader Sonia Gandhi and her son,
Rahul, canceled campaign visits there last week because of weather,
the Press Trust of India reported.

“The border between China and India has never been formally
determined,” Ma’s statement said. China claims the territory as the
traditionally southernmost part of Tibet.

Last month, China protested a plan by the Tibetan leader, the Dalai
Lama, to visit Arunachal Pradesh in November. At the same time, Indian
news reports of Chinese border incursions this year led Indian Foreign
Minister S.M. Krishna to play down the notion of bilateral tensions,
telling reporters “this has been one of the most peaceful boundaries
that we have had.”

To contact the reporter on this story: James Rupert in New Delhi at
***@bloomberg.net.

Last Updated: October 13, 2009 06:49 EDT

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-14 07:50:26 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/maoists-blow-up-telecom-tower-torch-truck-in-bihar/528925/

Maoists blow up telecom tower, torch truck in Bihar
ANI

Posted: Wednesday, Oct 14, 2009 at 1110 hrs

Patna:
Villagers watch as armed Maoists burn effigies of Sonia Gandhi and
Manmohan Singh in Gaya district.

Maoists blew up a tower of a private telecom firm and torched a truck
in Bihar's Sheohar District last night.

According to officials, around 45 to 50 Maoists blew up the Airtel
tower at Brindaban Bazar and asked villagers to stay at home. Around
45-50 ultras swooped on the Brindaban Bazar.

Earlier, the Maoists had ransacked the Banshipur Railway Station in
Lakhisarai District. They torched a communication system in the
railway cabin of the station. They also took three railway employees,
including station master hostage for a shot while.

The two-day shutdown in Bihar and Jharkhand was organized to protest a
Central Government effort to put down the CPI (Maoists) movement.
Tight security arrangements have been made in Bihar and Jharkhand to
avoid untoward incidents.

Maoists are active in 18 of the 24 districts of the State. Since
Jharkhand was carved out of Bihar in 2000, 614 civilians and 290
security personnel have been killed in Maoist related violence

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-14 07:55:39 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/10-000-cops-maoist-alert-every-10-km/528871/

10,000 cops, Maoist alert every 10 km
Vivek Deshpande

Posted: Wednesday, Oct 14, 2009 at 0835 hrs
Gadchiroli:

Despite perhaps the heaviest security arrangements for polling in a
Naxal-hit district ever, the Maoists cast a pall over voting in
Gadchiroli district on Tuesday.

They managed to attack eight polling booths at various places along
the 350-km length of the district, starting with the first attack on a
booth in Etapalli tehsil at 5.30 am, and ensured that officials
couldn’t reach 22 of the 839 polling stations. Polling will now be
held in these booths on Thursday.

Authorities admitted that while close to 10,000 armed cops and
paramilitary forces, plus four choppers, had been deployed for
polling, Maoist movement was noticed every 10 km.

The attack on the Bondai booth in Korchi tehsil, which Maoists had
encircled, was repulsed after a 30-minute exchange of fire, with MI-17
choppers flown in as reinforcement.

The skirmish at Khamtala lasted two hours. While there were no reports
of injuries to any securitymen in Bondai, reports are still awaited
from Khamtala.

Officials said the presence of choppers helped in preventing the two
attacks from turning into another Lahiri, where 17 cops were killed by
Maoists last week.

At Maseli in Korchi district, there were acrimonious scenes between
the police and a team of local journalists, who accused the cops of
escorting voters forcibly to booths at gunpoint, to use them as human
shields in the event of a Naxal attack.

Asked about the 22 booths where polling couldn’t be held, District
Collector Atul Patne said the decision to postpone the voting was
“predecided”.

“We came to know about their heavy presence there. Right to life is
more important than the right to vote.” At the same time, Patne
admitted that their polling officials couldn’t make it to the booths.

Comments (2) |

Threat , so what

By: A.K.NANDA | 14-Oct-2009

One thing our democracy has tought us that Govt. of which ever party
is will buckle down only on "threat";the threat may be of
strike,gherau,road blokade,bhandhs,etc.etc.,no strange the Maoist has
adopted and gone to 'gun' culture.......
maoist threat

By: richard | 14-Oct-2009

People will always believe the person who speaks of getting rid of
their poverty. They do not pause to think even once to worry about
from where he or she will get the funds. How there needs can be met if
working people have to face guns to provide them basic necessities and
most of all, why should anyone risk their life in order to make the
confortable to those who support the carrying out activities which
affect our national life. The hands that carry weapons seldom work.
They can only make life miserable to everyone.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-14 07:59:31 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/village-ignores-govt-appeals-boycotts-poll/528870/

Village ignores govt appeals, boycotts poll
Ranjani Raghavan

Posted: Wednesday, Oct 14, 2009 at 0508 hrs

Dhom (Satara):
Dhom angry over treatment of S-I killed by Naxals

This village in Satara district has 1,033 voters, and on Tuesday,
every one of them stayed away from the polling booths angry over the
way a sub-inspector from Dhom who died in last week’s Naxal attack at
Gadchiroli had been treated by the state government.

The district administration had rushed in officials on Monday night to
convince the villagers to give up their poll boycott call, but it had
no effect. “This is the only way left for us to raise our voices. We
do not mind sacrificing our children for the country... but it is
unforgivable if they are not treated with respect at the time of their
deaths,” said Santosh Pol, one of the villagers.

While Sub-Inspector Chandrashekhar Deshmukh was killed on October 8 in
the Naxal attack, his body reached home only on October 10 evening.
The officer who had received a letter of appreciation for the way he
had performed his duties during the Lok Sabha polls got engaged just
three months ago. The villagers ask why no arrangements were made to
fly in his body.

The S-I’s father Sanjay Deshmukh said they hoped the boycott would
ensure that an incident like this wasn’t ever repeated.

On Tuesday, the sole polling booth at Dhom was deserted. During the
last Lok Sabha elections, over 80 per cent had voted in the village.
“Deshmukh is the first officer from our village to have died in
action. If he is treated with such disrespect, what is the guarantee
it will not happen to others?” said Sharad Ubhe, a shopkeeper whose
two children are with the BSF.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-14 08:03:13 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/antimaoist-operation-has-a-71-template/528868/

Anti-Maoist operation has a ’71 template
Manu Pubby

Posted: Wednesday, Oct 14, 2009 at 0406 hrs
New Delhi:

As the Union Home Ministry prepares to launch a massive anti-Maoist
drive to take down rebel strongholds across the country after getting
the green signal from the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) last
week, it will not be the first time that a large-scale military action
is launched to take on the Naxalite movement.

The latest thrust by the Home Ministry will draw lessons from a long
forgotten operation in 1971 that broke the back of the original Naxal
movement. While the Army will not be used in the current operations,
the strategy to take on Maoist strongholds will revolve around “Op
Steeplechase” — a joint Army-Paramilitary-Police operation that was
carried out in July-August 1971 to take down armed rebels in West
Bengal months before the Bangladesh war.

The operations were carried out over a 45-day period that was preceded
by the deployment of three full-size divisions, besides the crack 50
Para Brigade to West Bengal. Though the nearly 40,000 Army personnel
who were deployed in the mission “did not fire a single bullet”, the
role of the Armed Forces was “area domination” that enabled the police
and administration to penetrate the Maoist heartland.

Besides deployments in towns and cities, the main operations were
carried out in rural Maoist strongholds that were cordoned off by Army
troops. Crack Army troops formed the outer perimeter of the operations
while police and paramilitary forces carried out arrests and clashed
with Maoist rebels. The main role played by the Army was to dominate
the area with an overwhelming force, effectively cutting it off from
the outside world.

This time around, with paramilitary forces much stronger and better
trained, the role of the Army in “Op Steeplechase” would be taken over
by the CRPF and its CoBRA (Commando Battalion for Resolute Action)
force. The crucial thing, experts say, would be to follow up the
action with mass mobilisation of police forces and other
administrative infrastructure in areas that have been “captured
back”.

Unlike this time, when Naxal fighters are well-armed with AK-47 rifles
and even rocket launchers, the intensity of encounters in 1971 was not
too great, primarily because the rebels were not well-armed. The
entire movement was wrapped up in a final thrust carried out in July-
August 1971 and the arrest of Charu Majumdar, the leader of the
movement, from his Kolkata hideout.

“Fortunately, the Naxalite movement was in its early stages and their
cadres were not well-equipped. Troops were deployed in mofussil areas.
We also deployed troops in sensitive factory areas,” recalls Lt Gen
JFR Jacob (retd), who, as the Chief of Staff of the Eastern Command,
oversaw the Army operation.

Interestingly, Jacob says that the whole operation was “black” with no
written orders or records to show the deployment of Army soldiers
inside Bengal. “I asked for orders in writing from Sam Manekshaw (the
then Army chief). He replied that there could be nothing in writing
and no records were to be kept,” he says.

The Army, which was deployed for over a year in West Bengal before and
after Op Steeplechase, was also called in for conducting violence free
polls in the affected areas. Gen Jacob says that troops were deployed
even at polling stations to ensure an incident-free election process.

With the Home Ministry ruling out, for the time being, large scale
deployment of regular Army units like the Rashtriya Rifles (RR) in
anti-Naxal operations, the strategy this time around revolves around
the paramilitary forces forming a buffer zone to give local forces
access to rebel strongholds.

However, as Home Minister P Chidambaram said recently, small teams of
the Army’s Special Forces could be used to carry out surgical
operations against Naxal hideouts in the future. While the Army is
currently only providing training to forces that are deployed against
Naxals, a new Special Forces training facility is coming up near
Raipur.

This could be used as a base in the future if the government decides
to deploy the forces for specialised operations in the Naxal
heartland.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-14 08:06:57 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/naxals-open-fire-in-gadchiroli-district-police/528488/

Naxals open fire in Gadchiroli district: Police
Agencies

Posted: Tuesday , Oct 13, 2009 at 0939 hrs
Nagpur:

Naxalites opened fire near Kasansur in Aheri block of Gadchiroli
district shortly before polling commenced on Tuesday.

However, security forces did not return the fire as part of a strategy
since naxalites were not visible, police said.

Over 1.29 lakh state police and central paramilitary forces (CPMF)
have been deployed across the state to ensure fair and peaceful poll.

CPMF contingents have been deployed in naxal-hit Gadchiroli and
Chandrapur districts of Vidarbha to thwart any attempt by the Maoists
to disrupt the election process

On October eight, 17 policemen were killed in an ambush by the naxals
in Gadchiroli district.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-14 12:28:35 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/330411_Experts-advocate-guns-and-roses-to-fight-Naxals

Experts advocate guns and roses to fight Naxals
STAFF WRITER 14:9 HRS IST

New Delhi, Oct 14 (PTI) Booming guns may help put down 'Red Terror',
at best, for a while, but if the government wants to strike at the
root of the problem then there is no alternative to reaching out to
the people, feel experts.

Historical evidence suggests that major offensives against Maoists in
India have failed misearably, say people who have tracked Left-wing
extremism in over 2,000 police station areas in 223 districts spanning
20 states.

The government's new two-pronged anti-naxal plan is also on similar
lines -- eradicate 'Red Terror' and foster development.

The Centre's new anti-Naxal strategy includes nearly 40,000 para-
military personnel one the one hand and a Rs 7,300 crore package on
the other for development of areas rid off the ultras.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-14 13:02:24 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/329929_-Agri-scientist--arrested-for-Maoist-links

'Agri scientist' arrested for Maoist links
STAFF WRITER 0:12 HRS IST

Hazaribagh (Jharkhand), Oct 13 (PTI) The identity of the suspected
Maoist leader who made an unsuccessful bid for a dramatic escape
during transit by raising a false alarm has been ascertained as Ravi
Sharma, a scientist working with an agriculture university in Patna
with alleged Naxal links, police said today.

Sharma, who was earlier arrested by Andhra Pradesh police from Patna
on October 10, had escaped along with his associate during transit on
the same day, they said.

In his forties, Sharma was working as a scientist in a reputed
Agriculture University in Patna and a member of the Central Committee
of the CPI (Maoist), according to police.

Interrogation of Sharma led to the arrest of a woman, who was
identified as Aradhana, heading the Maoists' wing of Nari Mukti Sangh,
they claimed.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-14 22:29:12 UTC
Permalink
http://news.rediff.com/report/2009/oct/14/ap-couple-behind-spurt-in-naxal-violence-cop.htm

Andhra couple behind spurt in naxal violence, claims police
October 14, 2009 23:37 IST

A couple based in Andhra Pradesh were responsible for the spurt of
Naxal violence in Bihar and Jharkhand, a senior police officer claimed
on Wednesday.

Confirming the arrest of agriculture scientist-cum-Maoist central
committee member Ravi Sharma and his wife B Anuradha in Hazaribagh,
Jharkhand, on October 10, Hazaribagh Superintendent of Police Pankaj
Kamboj produced them before a news conference and claimed that they
had been running the Maoist outfit in Bihar and Jharkhand.

"Ravi Sharma alias Arjun alias Mahesh alias Ashok and his wife B
Anuradha alias Rajitha hail from Andhra and run the Maoist outfit in
Bihar and Jharkhand since 1999," he said.

"The duo, arrested under Ichak police station in the district, is
responsible for the sudden increase in Naxal violence in these two
states. With their arrest, the Maoist movement is jolted," the officer
said adding, "The police found the whole strategy of the movement
recorded in a laptop seized from them."

The police may find vital information also in the diaries and letters
recovered from them, he said.

The police have reportedly found one 9 mm foreign-make revolver,
cartridges and documents relating to the Maoist operations and its
strategies in Bihar and Jharkhand, Kamboj said.

© Copyright 2009 PTI. All rights reserved. Republication or
redistribution of PTI content, including by framing or similar means,
is expressly prohibited without the prior written consent.

Discussion Board

Showing 1-8 of total 8 messages Pages | 1

Hang them both using Domino-Hanging.
by Vishnu Sharma on Oct 15, 2009 01:51 AM |

Hang them in such a way so that when the Husband Hangs, he
automatically triggers the plank under the women to fall and causing
her to drop and hang 2 seconds later.

This kind of hanging is called Domino-Hanging.
You just need to Hang one person and the mechanism takes over causing
10-100 people in a row to hang one after the other, with a gap of 3
secs.

I have a patent out for this device.

Message deleted by moderator

Message deleted by moderator

Message deleted by moderator

Re: Hang them both using Domino-Hanging.

by tamil boy on Oct 15, 2009 02:03 AM
T w a t

Re: Re: Hang them both using Domino-Hanging.

by tamil boy on Oct 15, 2009 02:05 AM
use that patent on your pole dancer and bender parents.
:-)

Message deleted by moderator

Message deleted by moderator

Brave Couple
by Kumar on Oct 15, 2009 01:33 AM |

They are a brave couple fighting for the rights of the oppressed in a
different state.

Re: Brave Couple
by Kumar on Oct 15, 2009 01:35 AM
The solution to Naxalism is drastic improvement in the police,
judiciary and the government machinery. Right now, this system is
opperessing the lower caste and hence the reason for Naxalism.

Re: Re: Brave Couple
by Sathish N on Oct 15, 2009 01:44 AM
Which will never happen. The system oppresses everyone. Upper caste
and lower caste is just something to divide people. High taxes are
killing everyone. We now have brown britishers instead of white
britishers.

Re: Re: Re: Brave Couple
by tamil boy on Oct 15, 2009 01:49 AM
Sonia nad rahul is brown- right.

Fact
by Prakash Chandra on Oct 15, 2009 01:04 AM |

Andhraites are always in news for the wrong reason ever since Mr.
Anjanaiya was forced become CM.

Its bad
by tamil boy on Oct 15, 2009 12:56 AM | Hide replies

I will bet my last Rupee that these Teleugu guys (if they are from
AP), were only thinking about how they can help the poor of the North
with their agricultural knowhow.

But I think Delhi is again helping the poor of the North, because they
look dravidian- i.e. dark brown- and not wheatish.
Shame- shme- shame.
My though goes to this AP couple.
I wish I had the courage to do something like that- use my expertise
to help the poor- even with the knowldge that Delhi will be against
it. For them Rupees is for the wheatish only- not for the original
brown or dark brown population of Bharat.

Re: Its bad
by Loan Shark on Oct 15, 2009 01:01 AM
north doesn't need the rice growing technology from south ... north
has better varieties than that stinkin rice that south-holes grow

Re: Re: Its bad
by tamil boy on Oct 15, 2009 01:15 AM
Alert- Singalese.
A Northern dude has no hate toward Southern dude.
A singalese do have hate- since they have a few genes missing.

Re: Re: Re: Its bad
by Loan Shark on Oct 15, 2009 01:23 AM
not missing, they have an extra chromosome

LOL

Re: Re: Re: Re: Its bad
by tamil boy on Oct 15, 2009 01:31 AM
yes- the have extra chromosome- you are right- in genocide, cruelty
and stupidity.
Sorry, I must appologize.
F k i m b c i l e.

what a shame
by Loan Shark on Oct 15, 2009 12:35 AM |

this sharma guy and this girl are in big trouble

Re: what a shame
by Kundan on Oct 15, 2009 03:26 AM
In more trouble than Kashab?

watching news for long time on rediff
by great on Oct 15, 2009 12:28 AM |

always project something wrong with AP and Karntaka and project very
good with TN. you guys think any connection rediff and TN.

Re: watching news for long time on rediff
by Satyam A on Oct 15, 2009 12:49 AM
Dude..take it easy.. Where did poor TN come in btw?? Leave them alone.
Sort out the naxal issue in AP

Re: watching news for long time on rediff
by Loan Shark on Oct 15, 2009 12:33 AM
relax dude, this sharma guy is probably from UP, Bihar or MP or their
breakaway states

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-15 10:13:01 UTC
Permalink
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_state-govts-should-reach-out-to-people-to-tackle-naxals-rahul-gandhi_1299296

State govts should reach out to people to tackle Naxals: Rahul Gandhi
PTI Thursday, October 15, 2009 14:25 IST

Ranchi: On a visit to Naxal-hit Jharkhand, Congress leader Rahul
Gandhi today said that the state governments should reach out to
people to tackle the Maoist menace effectively.

"If you have to combat Naxalism, you should reach out to the people,"
Gandhi told a press conference here.

Replying to questions on recent Naxal attacks, he said, "Except for
some pockets, the overall situation in India is good ... In states
like Orissa and Chhattisgarh the governments are not reaching out to
the people." He added that "the problem is just not here, but
everywhere in the world."

Earlier, the Congress general secretary visited the house of inspector
Francis Induwar, who was beheaded by Maoists ten days back, and
sympathised with his children, saying he had lost his father to a
suicide bomber.

During his 20-minute visit to the house, Rahul interacted with the
widow of the special branch inspector, Sunita, and her children
studying in classes V, VI and VII.

Stating that there were 'two Hindusthans -- one with basic amenities
and opportunities, while the other was poverty -stricken, he told
reporters that all development programmes like NREGA should reach to
the people.

Accusing Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati of opposing NREGA
scheme to provide jobs to the rural poor, Gandhi said, "The UP CM is
not interested in NREGA and has termed it as not good. We can't do
much if state governments do not implement the programmes," he said.
"If state governments implement NREGA, it functions smoothly, if they
don't, then there iscorruption in the scheme," Gandhi said when told
about corruption in the programme.

Stating that the Centre's efforts were to help the poor, Gandhi,
speaking about the price rise, said state governments also had the
responsibility in checking it.

The Congress had been focusing on NREGA as it had benefitted crores of
people, he said, adding his party was focussed to uplift the
downtrodden.

Asked whether Congressmen were following his agenda of uplifting the
poor, he said there were many leaders in Congress who wanted to
understand the problems of the people.

The Congress leader is on a two-day visit to Jharkhand in the run-up
to the Indian Youth Congress elections.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-15 10:42:23 UTC
Permalink
http://www.dnaindia.com/opinion/column_playing-the-dalit-card_1297913

Playing the Dalit card
Sidharth Bhatia Monday, October 12, 2009 9:07 IST

T he communist leader Jyoti Basu was once asked by a visiting American
academic -- "Who represents the Dalits in your party?" The veteran
looked at the visitor icily and replied, "I do". The communists
believe in class and not caste and are above identity politics. Dalit,
upper caste, Muslim, all are the same, as long as they belong to the
working classes and want to shed off their chains.

That was of course way back in the past. Since then Indian communists
have come to fully appreciate the harsh realities of India. They have
pandered to minority sentiments and have tried their best to link up
with Mayawati in the hope that it will get them some Dalit votes, as
well as to create a joint front against the much-reviled Congress.
Both initiatives came to naught; Mayawati was not going to waste her
time with a party that had nothing to offer.

In her time though she has freely hobnobbed with the BJP which had
some clout among the upper castes of Uttar Pradesh, but when she saw
their influence wane, she jettisoned them too. Mayawati's calculation
is simple: I will do whatever it takes to consolidate the Dalit vote
and to expand my market share by bringing in new customers into the
fold.
But if there is one party she will never join hands with it is the
Congress. For her, the Congress is the enemy. Yet, it is not as if
Dalits have moved en masse to the Congress; she still retains her
electoral base. Then why is she attacking Rahul Gandhi?Why worry about
a baba-log kind of urban politician who wants to spend a night or two
in a Dalit hut?

The last election results provide a clue. From languishing in the
fourth place not too long ago, the Congress roared back with 21 seats.
Mayawati, who was dreaming of becoming the prime minister (a dream fed
by her urban supporters) managed to get just 20, only 1 more than in
2004. Moreover, the BSP made no impact outside UP, where the Dalits
have not yet made up their mind about Mayawati.

In short, she has reached saturation point while the Congress is in
expansion mode. Probably the biggest worry for Mayawati is that her
carefully constructed coalition of Dalits and upper castes and other
groups may be gradually unraveling, while the Congress is busy
bringing back all those who left the fold.

The old Congress used to be a broad church that at once represented
everybody and nobody. Upper castes, Dalits, minorities, everyone felt
they had a stake in the Congress. The legacy of being a party that
fought for freedom helped, but its leadership continued that tradition
well into the 1980s. The Nehru-Gandhi family was the symbol of that
pan-Indianness; they belonged nowhere yet everywhere.

Obviously this formula did not work in all states. In Tamil Nadu for
example Dravidian politics had long rejected the Congress idea. In
Andhra Pradesh, NTR successfully raised the banner of Telugu pride and
snatched the state away from the Congress in the 1980s. The biggest
blow to the party came in the mid-1980s when VP Singh split the party
and joined hands with OBC leaders in UP and Bihar. The BJP
repositioned itself as a party of upper caste Hindu interests. One by
one the pieces were falling away. And when the Dalits finally had a
party of their own, the Congress hegemony was over.

It needed a widely accepted leader with no previous baggage to once
again put together that patchwork quilt. Sonia Gandhi began the
process and Rahul Gandhi is continuing it. He is trying to bring back
each group, slowly but systematically to the Congress. The Muslims
have come back and Hindu upper castes too are drifting Congress-wards.
The urban vote is fully in the bag. The Dalits are important,
especially in UP where they account for 22%.

Hence his forays into the hinterland where he meets and breaks
chappatis with ordinary village folk (most of whom Dalits). Mayawati
knows Rahul is getting a response. While she has been busy picking up
fights with the Supreme Court over erecting statues of herself for
Rs635 crore, young Rahul is chipping away at her core constituency.
She realises the dangers of losing the sole agency for the Dalit vote;
without that she would be nothing.

It's a fight that has just begun. Mayawati's bastion is nowhere near
tottering, but it is certainly under threat. There is no other party
that can possibly challenge her Dalit fief the way the Congress can.
Throwing insults at Rahul Gandhi will not make much difference; she
should be concentrating on consolidating her base. And erecting
ghastly and expensive statues is not the way to do it. In the battle
of symbolism, Rahul Gandhi is definitely inching ahead. The battle is
not for an election here or there; it is for her survival.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-15 14:14:24 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/nagpur/Cops-too-use-rumoursto-confuse-Naxals/articleshow/5124122.cms

Cops too use rumoursto confuse Naxals
TNN 15 October 2009, 06:47am IST

GADCHIROLI: Normally cops warn citizens against rumour-mongering or
believing in rumours, but in Gadchiroli where they are constantly
involved in a cat-and-mouse game with Naxals, rumour is a potent
weapon for both sides. In the psychological battle, cops seem quite
ready to use rumours to their advantage.

After losing 17 men at Laheri just a week ahead of polls, cops were
puzzled when several scribes started calling them up for information
on the encounter of Nargoonda which actually did not take place. The
cops were further rattled by the fact that vernacular media even
published the information claiming cops had lost another nine men in
the encounter.

"It is an old Naxal ploy to try to confuse the cops by spreading
rumours about violence and encounters. They do it generally through a
section of their sympathizers. On umpteenth occasions, the Naxals have
also trapped cops by sending false information," said a police source.
He said now even intelligence networks and police do the same to keep
the rebels off-balance.

Recently cops used a section of the media to put out that a senior
cadre of the Naxals and 15-17 guerrillas had also died at Laheri
encounter. Media remained busy trying to unearth the truth and the
speculation of either top cadre Narmada or Tarakka having been killed
were rife. While a cop claimed Tarakka had died in the Laheri
shootout, a source at Bhamragarh claimed that she was spotted along
with Narmada a couple of days before. The fate of the two most senior
women leaders is still shrouded in mystery.

"We have found lots of blood trails where the Naxals were fighting
from," said a senior cop claiming that toll on the naxal camp at
Laheri camp too must be high though not a single body of slain Naxal
was recovered.

"When a small party walks into an ambush by large number of equally
equipped and capable rebels, it is a situation where five or six
Naxals must have been firing at a single cop. This shows how lopsided
the duel was. The cops fought valiantly and held the Naxals at bay but
they must have suffered some casualties but not many," said a cop who
is well-acquainted with the ground realities of Gadchiroli.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-15 14:32:50 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/india/Maoists-open-fire-but-Maharashtra-re-poll-passes-in-peace/articleshow/5128229.cms

Maoists open fire, but Maharashtra re-poll passes in peace
IANS 15 October 2009, 07:36pm IST

NAGPUR: Suspected Maoists opened fire at four polling stations in
Maharashtra's Gadchiroli district where re-polling was completed
Thursday, police said.

Maoists opened indiscriminate fire at the Aeetalli polling station in
Kotni sub-district, said Additional Superintendent of Police M. K.
Sharma.

"There were nearly 200 security personnel and we retaliated with
firing in their direction. The attackers later withdrew from the area
and polling was conducted peacefully," Sharma said.

Later in the afternoon, the Maoists again started firing at the same
polling station as the voting ended and the poll officials were
preparing to leave. Sharma said the security forces returned fire and
escorted the poll team to safety.

Similar incidents of firing took place at polling stations in Burgi in
Kotni sub-district, Tadgaon in Bhamragad sub-district and Korchi on
the Maharashtra-Chhattisgarh border, Sharma said.

Sharma said all the EVMs and around 100 poll officials have been
safely escorted by road or airlifted to the district headquarters.

The Election Department had ordered re-polling in 22 polling stations
in Aheri and Amori assembly constituencies. The assembly elections
were held in the state Oct 13.

Besides the 22 polling stations in Gadchiroli, re-poll took place at
one polling station in Ichalkaranji, where the voting was cancelled
owing to a technical problem, and at one polling station in Nagpur
where the EVMs had malfunctioned.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-15 14:45:03 UTC
Permalink
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_hardcore-naxalite-held-in-bihar_1299390

Hardcore Naxalite held in Bihar
PTI Thursday, October 15, 2009 17:47 IST

Aurangabad: A hardcore Naxalite was today arrested by police from
village Mayapur under Goh police station in Bihar's Aurangabad
district, police said.

Acting on a tip-off, police raided the village and arrested Brinda
Yadav who was wanted in connection with several cases relating to the
Naxal violence.

He was being interrogated at Goh police station.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-15 14:47:44 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/333177_Centre-is-unanimous-on-dealing-with-Maoist---Rahul

Centre is unanimous on dealing with Maoist : Rahul
STAFF WRITER 19:33 HRS IST

Ranchi, Oct 15 (PTI) In the backdrop of a spurt in naxal violence,
Congress leader Rahul Gandhi today said there was complete unanimity
at the Centre over dealing with Maoist menace and accused non-Congress
ruled Orissa and Chhattisgarh of failing to reach out to the people to
check the problem.

"There is complete unaminity as far as the government is concerned on
naxalism. State governments should reach out to the people to combat
it but governments like Chhatisgarh and Orissa are not doing so,"
Gandhi told a press conference here.

Replying to a question on increase in naxal violence, he said that
except for some pockets the overall law and order situation in the
country was good. The advent of sophisticated weaponry, he said, was
responsible for violence all over the world.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-15 14:49:59 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/333229_Tribal-woman-tied-to-a-tree-and-assaulted-in-Orissa

Tribal woman tied to a tree and assaulted in Orissa
STAFF WRITER 19:50 HRS IST

Balasore, Oct 15 (PTI) A tribal woman was allegedly tied to a roadside
tree and beaten up near a market at Soro, 38 km from here, and three
persons have been arrested in this connection, police said today.

The 25-year-old married woman was beaten up by a mob yesterday
afternoon, accusing her of immoral character, drinking and being
involved in anti-social activities, near Bagudi market, police said.

The woman was then left alone at the spot with her hands still tied.
After her plight was telecast by a local TV channel, police rushed to
the spot and freed her.

The three persons were arrested today based on information given by
the woman herself, they said.

Several people were detained last night in connection with the
incident and an FIR was lodged at Soro police station.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-15 20:21:15 UTC
Permalink
http://www.asiantribune.com/news/2009/10/16/negotiate-naxals-they-are-humans

Negotiate With Naxals: They Are Humans
Fri, 2009-10-16 00:14 — editor
By J. N. Raina - Syndicate Features

Naxalism and Maoism will crumble down, provided the ‘miserable’ are
not considered remorseless. Provided they are not branded as ‘bandits’
and ‘cold-blooded murderers’. If the Maoists are treated as ‘rodents’,
they will behave like snakes. They are far away from the ‘cattle
class’ category and have remained alienated in their neglected
regions.

The Congress remained paranoid with the Naxalite movement and treated
them as a ‘bandicoots’. The party was in power for decades, but
treated the ‘despicable’ with disdain. The subsequent regimes,
especially the UPA government, also failed to micro-manage development
in the Maoist-prone areas, even after the country’s economy got well
on track.

The CPI (M) government in West Bengal did not even implement the
Central government’s projects in tribal areas. The Naxalites and the
Maoists went haywire, and now uncontrollable.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh feels concerned about the growing
Naxalite violence, which is different from other forms of law-and-
order-related violence. It basically stems from the accumulated
grievances, which have been left unattended. When poverty becomes
extreme, it provides a fertile ground for the Naxalites to grow and
spread their tentacles.

The Centre has launched a ‘country-wide offensive’, involving security
forces, to wipe out ‘Naxal menace’. But it will prove counter-
productive, given the nature of the ideological battle being waged by
the Maoists. Minus violence, there seems nothing wrong with the
ideology of the oppressed. It can be construed as God’s own ideology.

“Revolution is the festival of the oppressed”--- Germaine Greer

77 per cent of the Indians live on less than Rs 20 per day, while just
five per cent are hugely prosperous, according to the National
Commission for Enterprises in the unorganized Sector. There exists a
vast gap between the haves and the have-nots. That is why the likes of
Kobad Ghandy, who belongs to a rich family, developed a soft corner
for the Naxalites, when Jawaharlal Nehru’s dream of socialism started
fading away in 1960s and 1970s. Kobad’s wife, Anuradha, a sociology
professor, also joined his fray and died while working for the cause
she felt dear to her heart. There are many who like them remain
committed to the cause of the alienated society.

Before his arrest, Kobad said in an interview that they were trying to
impart basic education through Mobile Academic Schools. Various teams
involved in this task were specializing in designing courses for the
backward people. They would eat and live with the poorest of the poor,
considered ‘miserable’ by the elite. They would take care of their
health et el. Kobad told the interviewer that the level of under-
development in Bastar region and other Naxalite-affected areas is
worse than sub-Saharan Africa. He is aghast at the Prime Minister’s
remark that the Maoists are the ‘deadliest virus’.

Should it not have been the job of the government to ameliorate the
lot of the ‘miserable’? On the contrary, intellectuals like Ghandy are
treated like criminals, even though he is against gun culture.
Congress icon Rahul Gandhi, in his Herculean task of reviving the
party, has in a way adopted some techniques of Naxalites —eating with
the poor and sleeping with them in their mud huts. Is he playing a
dirty role? He is showing the way to the Congress leadership, which is
afraid of the Maoist ideology that should have been repulsed at an
embryonic stage.

Be as it may; an IAS officer P B Salim, on deputation in Kerala---he
is District Collector of Kozhikode--- has learnt ‘valuable lessons’
while he was posted in Lalgarh (West Bengal) earlier. Now he wants to
imitate the Maoists, who are drawing support from the alienated
sections. Salim mingles with the tribals and the poorest people, eats
and sleeps with them in their thatched houses.

Just listen to Salim: “I had seen life in Lalgarh. The poverty among
tribals had strengthened the Maoists’ grip over Lalgarh. The best way
to defeat Maoism is to develop tribal regions”.

Ironically the Prime Minister, who has admitted that the Naxal
movement has managed to retain the support of the poorest people, has
instructed police to combat the ‘ideological edge’ the Naxals have
obtained. Is it expected of police to do so? At several times in
several places, police had acted as a ‘brute’ force to suppress the
oppressed. We cannot expect police to have an ideology.

There is a deep nexus between the police, the politicians and
criminals. There are instances of state terrorism. How many police
personnel have committed rape of innocent women? Instead of taking
right steps even at this late stage—when 40,000 square km area in the
country is under Maoists control—to stem the rot, the government has
unleashed a ‘psychological war’ against ‘Maoist terror’.

The administration has every right to eliminate the source of arms,
and unearth them, but not to annihilate the downtrodden in the name of
Naxals. It is better to drag them to the negotiating table. The
government has been talking to terrorists, why ignore Naxals? It has
launched a media campaign, with advertisements in the national and
regional papers, calling Naxals as ‘cold-blooded murderers’. We cannot
close our eyes when the Maoists kill dozens of security personnel and
innocent people. But we ought to know the reasons behind the Red
revolution.

There are politicians in almost every party who have turned murderers.
They indulge in land grabbing, but continue to remain in the limelight
because of the prevailing system. However they will manage to get
elected. When political big wigs indulge in rape, murder and other
heinous activities, does the government advertise and appeal people to
maintain a distance from such politicians? Even law does not exist
which enables the electorate to recall unscrupulous and unworthy
lawmakers.

This is why the Naxal movement is spreading. Today it has reached 165
of the country’s 604 districts. As many as 13affected states are
reeling under the Naxal impact.

If elected political leaders like Chief Minister Mayawati can indulge
in ‘wasteful expenditure’, running into thousands of crores of rupees
in erecting statues what affect it can it have on the Naxals? If a
fraction of this amount is used for the welfare of the ‘miserable’ and
the development of the region they inhabit, hands of conscious
administrators like Salim could be strengthened.

The wrong acts of maverick politicians will give a fillip to Maoism.
The notion of some bureaucrats that ‘skewed movements’ like Naxalism
and Maoism make it impossible for such problems to be solved is
preposterous. Naxalism has grown in the absence of agrarian reforms.
There is a lot of social discrimination. As per a survey, 88 per cent
of the Dalits and 84 per cent of the Muslims are poor. That is social
justice Indian way.

Salboni village in West Bengal has been under CPI (M) rule for three
decades but it has no basic amenities. Local live in mud houses and
drink polluted water.

- Asian Tribune -

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-16 00:34:24 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Naxal-couple-arrested-in-Hazaribagh/articleshow/5129504.cms

'Naxal couple' arrested in Hazaribagh
Abhijit Sen, TNN 16 October 2009, 04:04am IST

HAZARIBAGH: An agriculture scientist-cum-Maoist central committee
member Ravi Sharma and his wife B Anuradha were arrested on October
10, disclosed Ravi Sharma More Pictures

Hazaribagh SP Pankaj Kamboj late on Wednesday, adding the couple were
responsible for a number of attacks on the security forces in
Jharkhand.

‘‘Ravi Sharma alias Arjun alias Mahesh and his wife B Anuradha, alias
Rajitha, are from Andhra Pradesh and have been running the Maoist
outfit in Bihar and Jharkhand since 1999,’’ Kamboj said.

‘‘The two were responsible for the increase in Naxal violence in these
two states. With their arrest, the Maoist movement will have received
a jolt,’’ the SP said, adding, ‘‘The police found their strategy of
the Naxal movement recorded in a laptop seized from them.’’

Vital information was also available in their diaries and letters, he
said. The police also found one nine mm foreign-make revolver,
cartridges and documents relating to the Maoist operation and its
strategies in Bihar and Jharkhand.

Ravi Sharma, who spoke to reporters as he was being taken by the
police from the court where he was produced, to the jail, said the
Left radicals do not regret killing thousands of people so far —
civilians and security personnel — in the past 25 years. ‘‘During a
revolution, one does not see how many people are killed. Only when the
goal is achieved, will this bloodshed end,’’ he said.

‘‘Our aim is to establish socialism in India and end the inequality
between the rich and the poor.’’ Citing Nepal’s example, Sharma said
it has become a socialist republic at the end of a long and bloody
revolution. ‘‘India is yet to achieve socialism as the poor people are
harassed and are still fighting for survival although we achieved
Independence more than 62 years ago.’’

Asked whether the Maoists had at all succeeded in making any
breakthrough towards achieving their goal, Sharma shot back, ‘‘Yes, we
have achieved our goal in Dandakaranya (in Chhattisgarh and Orissa)
where people follow our terms.’’

Claiming that the Maoists were calling the shots in parts of Bihar and
a major part of Jharkhand, Sharma said no amount of police oppression
could stop this Maoist revolution, which will continue despite his
arrest. He insisted that the war against feudalism, police and
repression will continue.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-16 00:38:31 UTC
Permalink
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/Rahul-Gandhi-trains-guns-on-Naxals/articleshow/5129505.cms

Rahul Gandhi trains guns on Naxals
16 Oct 2009, 0405 hrs IST, ET Bureau

NEW DELHI: Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi on Thursday drew a
sharp distinction between the “law and order” aspect of the Naxalite
problem and the social factors contributing to its rise. Mr Gandhi’s
statements, made at a press conference in Ranchi, have indicated
Congress’ full backing to the Centre’s crackdown on naxalities or
Maoists involved in armed struggle.

Mr Gandhi, who concluded a two-day tour of Jharkhand on Thursday, also
met the family of slain Jharkhand special branch inspector Francis
Induwar. The visit assumes significance not only due to the gruesome
manner in which the police officer was beheaded by Naxalites but also
as it underlines the Congress general secretary’s refusal to toe the
soft line over Naxal violence.

“There is concrete unanimity as far as the government is concerned on
Naxalism. Naxalism has two issues, one which I have always stated —
government in states like Jharkhand, Orissa and Chhattisgarh are not
reaching out to the people. That is one angle of the problem. The
second angle of the problem is that as the governments are not
reaching out to the people, it has turned into a law and order
problem. So, if you want to analyse and assess Naxalism, in my view,
you have to look at both fronts. You have to ensure that government
programmes reach the people and you have to combat Naxalism as a law
and order problem,” Mr Gandhi said.

Meanwhile, the home ministry on Thursday came down hard on armed
liberation struggle of the Maoists, blaming it for affecting
development efforts of the government and private investors in tribal
areas by damaging crucial infrastructure such as railway tracks and
school buildings.

“Civil society must reflect on the consequences of the path of
mindless violence chosen by CPI (Maoist) and how there actions
actually hurt the poor and disadvantaged sections of the people,” a
home ministry statement said. The assertions were made in the wake of
the two-day bandh called by CPI (Maoist) on Tuesday and Wednesday in
Jharkhand, Bihar and West Bengal to protest against the intensified
action by the security forces. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has also
reiterated that Naxalism has emerged as the biggest internal security
threat to the country.

Mr Gandhi’s statements in Kerala last week, ascribing Naxalism to the
failure of the state to deliver developmental needs of the poor, had
led to a section of the party to cite the root cause argument. In
fact, Mr Gandhi had refused to be drawn into the law and order aspect
of the problem at the Tiruvananthapuram press conference. “I think
there are experts in the government who are knowledgeable about how to
specifically combat Naxalism; I am not an expert on Naxalism and I am
not going to explain to you how I feel Naxalism should be combated,”
Mr Gandhi had said.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-16 00:43:10 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/top-bengal-cops-line-up-for-tips-from-steeplechase-veterans/529689/

Top Bengal cops line up for tips from Steeplechase veterans
Sabyasachi Bandopadhyay

Posted: Friday , Oct 16, 2009 at 0205 hrs
Kolkata:

Karunanidhi and his silencePolitics Peace prize for Obama!Have I
become a ‘Screenager’? Even as the Centre plans an all-out offensive
against the Left-wing ultras in six affected states, the West Bengal
government is already taking a few tips from the veterans of Operation
Steeplechase launched in 1971 to crush the Naxalite movement.

The state police brass has engaged a few officers who were in the
frontline of the state’s battle against the Naxal violence that had
engulfed the whole of West Bengal in the early ‘70s, rocking the
contemporary social and political life and killing thousands of
people, most of whom were young and bright students from front-ranking
colleges and universities of the state.

State Director General of Police Bhupinder Singh said the advice from
old anti-Naxal hands was being sought to boost the ongoing offensive
in Lalgarh and also on the multi-state operation to be taken up
towards the year-end.

“I have got in touch with a few officers who were involved in the anti-
Naxal operations that time. I am taking advice from them. This
includes Naxals’ modus operandi, their methodology, how they studied
the movement etc. I don’t want to reveal their names. Well, I know
things have changed a lot in these 40 years. But one thing that does
not change is the human mind,” Singh said.

“The DG calls me on several occasions and we talk on several issues.
But it is some of the junior officers who call me and take tips from
me,” said Rajat Majumder, who had joined as SDPO, Katwa, in 1973, when
the Naxalite movement was at its peak. Majumder retired as DG, armed
police, last year.

Majumder said during his time, they relied more on ground
intelligence. “There were no electronic gadgets. We put moles in major
political parties. That was one of the ways we gathered intelligence,”
he said.

Narayan Ghosh, a special IG attached with the state Finance Department
and who was involved in the anti-Naxalite operations in the early
years of his career, said there were officers in the ‘70s who stressed
on development as a means to curb spread of Naxalism.

“I remember Amiya Samanta, an IPS officer who got engaged in the
development of areas dominated by Adivasis in Bankura and then
undivided Midnapore district. In fact, he can be called the pioneer of
what the state government is doing now — undertaking developmental
work at Lalgarh while quelling the violence by using guns,” Ghosh
said.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-16 00:50:48 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Naxal-sympathisers-urged-to-rethink-stand/articleshow/5128640.cms

Naxal sympathisers urged to rethink stand
TNN 16 October 2009, 02:45am IST

NEW DELHI: Amid growing naxal violence even as the security forces are
gearing up to launch bigger operations against Red ultras, the Union
home ministry on Thursday asked the civil society -- largely
sympathetic to the naxalites -- to think over the consequences of the
Maoists' violence which has not only pushed back government's
development efforts but also hurt the poor on many fronts.

Citing 21 reported incidents in Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal
during the two-day bandh called by the ultras on October 13-14, home
minister P Chidambaram, through a written statement, said: "Civil
society must reflect on the consequences of the path of mindless
violence chosen by the CPI (Maoist) and how their actions actually
hurt the poor and disadvantaged sections of the people."

Highlighting the true colour of the Left-wing extremists as to what
they did during the bandh, Chidambaram said: "The so-called armed
liberation struggle, ostensibly meant to lead to betterment of the
lives of the common citizen, especially the tribal people, has in two
days set back development efforts of the government and private
investors."

The ministry refered to how the ultras have continuously been damaging
raods, railway tracks, school buildings and telecom towers -- which
are meant for overall development -- in various states. It mentioned
that the CPI (Maoist) also indulged in wanton killing and inflicted
heavy damage on private infrastructure in 21 reported incidents of
"senseless violence" during the bandh.

Chidambaram said: "Rebuilding the damaged roads, bridges, railway
property, telecom towers, block offices and school buildings would
require many more months and more resources would need to be
provided."

In Jharkhand, 13 incidents were reported in which Maoist cadres blew
up three telecom towers, set ablaze an electric generator, damaged a
portion of a school building in Chatra district, blasted a portion of
a railway track near Daniya in Dhanbad division leading to the
derailment of 12 wagons of a goods train and damaged an engine of a
goods train at Dhalmumgarh.

In the most heinous incident, the Maoist cadres killed three policemen
protecting former JMM MP Sudam Marndi in Orissa's Mayurbhanj district
and hacked their bodies into pieces.

In Bihar, five incidents were reported in which Bansipur railway
station was ransacked and set ablaze after holding six railway
employees hostage for a few hours. The Maoists also blew up a telecom
tower in Salaiya village and dug a 15-metre-long trench on a local
road at village Chanda, disrupting traffic.

In West Bengal, three incidents were reported. A member of the `Maoist
Pratirodh Committee' was killed and another abducted, while the house
of a local CPM leader was ransacked and torched in Purulia district.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-16 00:52:47 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Choppers-against-Maoists-Debate-over-pros-and-con/articleshow/5128746.cms

Choppers against Maoists: Debate over pros and con
TNN 16 October 2009, 02:50am IST

NEW DELHI: A scenario where outnumbered paramilitary or police units
fight heavily armed ultras but desparate SOS messages are of little
avail as reinforcements are either too far away or lose time on
landmined roads is all too common in anti-naxal operations.

Experienced officers point out that the agony of not being able to do
anything while a police party gets shot up is deeply frustrating and,
in the long run, demoralising. Given the remote terrains in which anti-
Maoist operations are conducted, the risk of isolation and being taken
by surprise is constant.

As paramilitary and state police forces prepare for a renewed thrust,
the role of choppers in anti-Naxal operations could well be crucial in
cutting down casualties and improving mobility in hostile conditions.
Choppers figure prominently in discussions as their risks, benefits
and limitations are keenly discussed.

The debate has been sparked by the IAF's demand that its chopper crews
be allowed to return fire if fired on during anti-Maoist operations.
IAF raised the demand after its chopper despatched to bring back
injured personnel in Chhattisgarh's Dantewada district was fired upon.
The IAF suggested that it reinforce armour under its choppers and hit
back at the Red ultras.

The possibility of IAF firing back saw leading Maoist leader Koteshwar
Rao or Kishenji warning that Maoists should not be held responsible
for any chopper casualties. If the Maoists seemed concerned, so was
the government which deliberated hard on what options the IAF could be
allowed to utilise. It was felt that choppers could return fire or
take "defensive action".

Officers involved in anti-naxal operations admit a chopper being
brought down would be a disaster. "Maoists don't have anti-aircraft
weapons but SLR and LMG fire can damage choppers," said an officer.
Another agreed their use had to be addressed carefully as choppers
present "high value" targets. "Naxals have a vastly improved weapons
inventory after they looted police armouries in Orissa," he said.

At the same time, most officers spoken to felt choppers had a vital
role to play in both rescue and offensive operations. The remoteness
of Naxal areas meant that choppers were the only way to reach a site
swiftly and in relative safety. In July, Rajnandgaon SP Binod Kumar
Chaubey was killed as he rushed towards an ambush site and ran into
heavy firing. Officers point out that Chaubey could have acted more
cautiously but was most likely concerned about raiders getting a
insurmountable headstart.

"What the choppers can do is to allow a party of commandos to slither
down near a site where an encounter or fighting is going on. This will
help move men quickly and in relative safety. The chopper can also
transport equipment that may be required. There is not much time as
with automatic weapons, an incident may not last more than 20-25
minutes," said an officer.

So, if choppers are kept out of harm's way and not used to open fire
-- the government has said it would not want to wage war on its own
citizens -- they can help even the odds that are often heavily loaded
in favour of Maoists.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-16 08:46:55 UTC
Permalink
http://indianvanguard.wordpress.com/2009/10/16/from-the-eyes-of-dantewada/

From The Eyes Of Dantewada
Posted by indianvanguard2010 on October 16, 2009

THE STRUGGLE IN THE SPRAWLING FORESTS OF CHHATTISGARH TELLS THE BLOODY
STORY OF THE STATE, THE NAXALS AND THE PEOPLE CAUGHT IN THE CROSSFIRE

AJIT SAHI, Tehelka Magazine
Editor-at-Large

Cockfight Op Green Hunt is bound to create uncertainty for tribals
Photo: VIJAY PANDEY

FIRST, A DISCLAIMER: I do not support, justify or approve of the
Naxals’ creed of violence. I don’t even believe that they can secure
for their peoples the lofty goals of liberty, justice and equity by
the means of violence. As Mahatma Gandhi powerfully argued through his
public actions and in his copious writings on human history, no one —
not even a State — can sustain a moral order using the immoral means
of violence. Indeed, Gandhi’s refusal to seek from the British a
pardon for Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdeo brought him ridicule at
the time, and is still unforgiven by millions of followers of the
Shaheed-e-Azam. But Gandhi — pardon the expression — stuck to his guns
in opposing the creed of violence, irrespective of the practitioner.

On March 23, 1931, after the British hanged the trio, Gandhi wrote:
“These heroes had conquered the fear of death. Let us bow to them a
thousand times for their heroism. But we should not imitate their act.
In our land of millions of destitute and crippled people, if we take
to the practice of seeking justice through murder, there will be a
terrifying situation. Our poor people will become victims of our
atrocities. By making a dharma of violence, we shall be reaping the
fruit of our own actions.” Gandhi could well be speaking for the
millions of Chhattisgarh’s tribals, who today face a terrible fate as
both the Naxals and the State have adopted the dharma of violence and
arguably stare at the worst face-off in the Naxals’ 40-year
insurgency. It would be futile to indulge in crystal ball gazing on
the likely outcome of Operation Green Hunt, the all-out paramilitary
offensive against the Naxals that’s already dug in heels in south
Chhattisgarh and is expected to turn full-blown in November. Watchers
fear that the State will end up killing far more non-Naxal innocent
tribal people than the Naxals, who have been entrenched in the deep
forests for over four decades.

But this is not about condemning the Naxals’ or the State’s violence.
This is about asking hard questions about why the Naxal violence
exists. Again, Gandhi’s writing on the day of Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom
could well describe both the Naxal and her supporters among the tribal
populations. Wrote Gandhi: “Bhagat Singh was not a devotee of non-
violence, but he did not subscribe to the religion of violence. He
took to violence due to helplessness and to defend his
homeland”(italics mine).

Gandhi could be speaking of the “helplessness” of thousands of
Chhattisgarh tribals who’ve been driven into the arms of the Naxals
due to the terrorist violence let loose since 2005 by the
controversial police-backed tribal militia Salwa Judum (literally:
Peace March), who have killed, maimed, burnt, hacked, raped the
tribals and continue to do so.

This is news that you are never likely to hear from PM Manmohan Singh
or Home Minister P Chidambaram, who only tell you that the Naxals are
the biggest terrorist threat to India. They and their echo chambers in
the media resonate with a singular narrative, crassly distilled by our
learned home minister as “you-are-either-with-‘us’-orwith- the-
Naxals”. Anyone who so much as questions the justness or even the
efficacy of Operation Green Hunt is decried as a double-faced ‘Leftist
intellectual’ who must be condemned for supporting the insane violence
of “India’s worst enemies”. This narrative goes like this: the Naxals
are gun-toting, crazed ideologues who reject the State and have vowed
to replace it with a non-democratic Maoist-Communist State. (“I would
not like to live in a Naxal State,” said filmmaker Sudhir Mishra —
who’s made a movie on the Naxal quagmire — on a CNN-IBN show last
week. Ergo, he seemed to suggest, the take-no-prisoners Operation
Green Hunt is justified.)

Anyone who so much as questions the justness or even the efficacy of
Operation Green Hunt is decried as a double-faced‘Leftist
intellectual’

The narrative further says that these terrorist Naxals are hardened
beasts that kill our policemen with utter brutality, ambushing them,
beheading them. Who in their right minds could ever even appear soft
on such hateful beings?

After 9/11, when US President George Bush facetiously argued that the
terrorists attacked his country because “they hate our freedoms”,
veteran British reporter of the Middle East war theatre, Robert Fisk —
the world’s only journalist to have interviewed Osama bin Laden thrice
— said that if the inquiry into a robbery must begin with the motive,
the question to ask is: why did the 9/11 perpetrators carry out these
heinous acts? Similarly, India deserves to know: what is the Naxals’
motive in relentlessly killing the police and security agencies like
beasts? Here’s why.

On October 12, 2009, police swarmed the district collector’s office in
Jagdalpur, a small town in south Chhattisgarh. They were there to
prevent thousands of villagers from storming a jan sunwai (public
hearing) called to debate the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA)
report for a proposed Tata steel plant in the district. Legally, this
meeting should have been open to all, especially to the 6,000-odd
people of the 10 villages near Jagdalpur that the steel plant will
gobble up.

THERE IS strong resistance in at least six of these 10 villages to be
displaced from their lands for the project. Most people have refused
to accept compensation for land. Four of these six villages (Kumbli,
Dhuragaon, Takaraguda and Sirisguda) passed resolutions in gram sabhas
during October 2-6 asking the district administration to postpone the
public hearing due to the climate of uncertainty created by Operation
Green Hunt. About 1,000 letters on these resolutions were sent to the
district collector.

Of course, the district collector didn’t postpone the hearing.
Instead, the police set up barricades along the 30-km stretch from the
villages to Jagdalpur, and stopped all buses so that villagers who
might protest the Tatas’ project don’t reach the public hearing. About
25 villagers, led by former CPI MLA Manish Kunjam, did reach the
public hearing. “We asked them, where would the effluence from the
steel plant be dumped?” Kunjam told me over the phone. “They had no
answer.” Kunjam says the Tatas’ EIA report (prepared by Dastur & Co)
has failed to meet the standards set by two crucial policies that
govern the displacement of tribals for industrial projects: the
National Rehabilitation Policy and the Panchayat Extension to the
Scheduled Areas Act.

The villagers who had found an answer in Gandhian methods of
resistance are now being pushed towards the Naxals due to State
oppression

According to both, the EIA report for an industrial project that would
displace tribal people must also look into the “social impact” besides
the environmental impact. “There is no mention of the ‘social impact’
in the report,” says Kunjam. The Indian Constitution, through
Schedules 5 and 6, gives special status to the tribal people. Further,
by signing a UN treaty in 1957, India had promised that displaced
tribals would be given good land in lieu of that acquired.
The helpless A tribal woman whose husband was killed by the SPOs
Photo: HIMANSHU KUMAR

Of course, this guarantee didn’t work for the poor tribals of the
Narmada Valley earlier this decade, as the Supreme Court allowed dams
on the river which displaced millions of villagers, on the grounds
that such action met “overriding national interest”. But such an
argument could hardly be pressed in the courts in favour of a steel
plant. No wonder then that the Centre and the Chhattisgarh government
are restive as the Tatas’ project is delayed because of the villagers’
refusal to part with land.

Technically, the Tatas have completed the ‘land acquisition process’.
Some villagers have initiated a Chhattisgarh High Court lawsuit
arguing against the Tata project, but few have faith in the outcome of
the judicial process, knowing how slowly that wheel always turns. It
must be said that the steel plant has support in and around Jagdalpur
town, perhaps due to the belief that it will bring jobs. Two months
ago, the Naxals killed a local politician, Vimal Meshram, who had
vociferously supported the steel project. Activists working in Bastar
for long say the Naxals had little presence in Lohandiguda, where the
10 villages are located, until the Tatas’ project controversy warmed
up. Today, unsurprisingly, the Naxals are said to have struck roots in
the region.

ON THE day — October 12 — the government turned the public hearing on
the Tata EIA into a farce, long-time Bastar resident and Gandhian
activist Himanshu Kumar had visitors late at night at his makeshift
ashram in the smaller town of Dantewada, west of Jagdalpur. These were
survivors of attacks by the police and Special Police Officers (SPOs)
drawn from the Salwa Judum.

While the media highlighted the Naxals’ beheading of policemen,
allegations that the police and Salwa Judum- SPOS have been killing
tribals and creating terror in Bastar forests have been consigned to
the media’s black hole. Sitting through the night to take their
testimonies, Kumar prepared a list of people who have been killed in
two attacks in the last three weeks, on September 17-18 and then on
October 1. Here are just some of them:

• SPOs killed Madvi Deva of village Gachhanpalli at a rivulet on
September 17. Another village’s Patel claimed seeing Deva being buried
in the Chintagupha police station compound.

• CRPF men and SPOs cut off the breasts of 70-year-old Dudhi Muye, an
invalid who could not walk, and stabbed her to death on September 17.

• CRPF and SPOs caught Madkami Muke of village Gachhanpalli and tied
her up with her own sari. They beat, stabbed and shot her husband in
front of her. Muke saw the attackers stab and shoot Madvi Joga, 60, in
his field. She saw them strip 35-year-old Madvi Hidma, stab and shoot
her.

• Also in Gompad village, four of a family — Madvi Bajar, 45, his wife
Madvi Subbi, his married daughter, Kartam Kanni, 20, and younger
daughter Madvi Mutti, 15 — were killed by SPOs. The attackers cut off
the tongue and fingers of Kartam Kanni’s two-year-old son.

• Muchaki Aanda of Bhandarpadar village and his nephew, Madvi Deva,
were returning from Andhra Pradesh when the police caught them. They
were hacked to death with axes and knives, their bodies dumped near
corn fields. Two villagers informed Deva’s mother, Madvi Joge, of
their killing.

On October 11, Kumar and several other activists and lawyers travelled
south of Dantewada to visit Nendra village. Until last year, Nendra
had been a ghost town, after the Salwa Judum burnt it down two years
ago, forcing residents to flee. Kumar’s NGO, Vanvasi Chetna Ashram
(VCA), had had it rebuilt and persuaded the villagers to return.
Within hours of the activists’ visit to the village, news of their
presence spread quickly. More than 200 people from villages nearby
assembled there, converting the meeting into a people’s tribunal.
Since September the SPOs have killed wantonly in Nendra. Six people
have gone missing.

In the last two months, as a precursor to Operation Green Hunt, police
have harassed VCA activists. One volunteer has been jailed and
tortured on false charges. Ironically, the Naxals, too, distrust
Kumar, especially because of his efforts to repopulate the villages
burnt down by Salwa Judum. You see, the people of those villages have
found an answer away from both the Naxals and the Indian State, in
Kumar’s Gandhian methods of resistance. Many of those who have gone
back to their villages had been eager to turn the Naxals away.

But now, of course, the renewed Salwa Judum violence and Operation
Green Hunt could once again quickly fatten the Naxals’ enrollment
registers. Such is the scale of the Indian State’s violence that it is
turning even Kumar increasingly despondent. “I stare dumbly at all
these people who come to me, the old man who saw his daughter raped
and son shot dead, the young wife who was raped repeatedly, the family
whose house was burnt down,” Kumar said to me one night on the phone
from Dantewada, unable to sleep. “They keep saying to me: help us. I
keep quiet. Because how do I help them?”

And then, he added: “I am too much a son of Mahatma Gandhi and Vinoba
Bhave to ever leave the path of nonviolence. But I look at these
people and wonder, if I were a tribal person, raped, shot, abused,
humiliated, wouldn’t I, too, pick up the gun to defend my family, my
home, my lands, my forests?”

WRITER’S EMAIL
ajit From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 6, Issue 42, Dated October 24, 2009

This entry was posted on October 16, 2009 at 9:14 am and is filed
under Article. You can follow any responses to this entry through the
RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own
site.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-16 13:35:42 UTC
Permalink
http://week.manoramaonline.com/cgi-bin/MMOnline.dll/portal/ep/theWeekContent.do?sectionName=Current+Events&contentId=6110336&programId=1073754900&pageTypeId=1073754893&contentType=EDITORIAL

Kill will -

Slain by the 'People': Coffins of the 17 cops killed by Naxals in
Gadchiroli
NAXALISM

Naxal report says no talking, only shooting

By Anupam Dasgupta

For India’s Naxals, everything is going according to plan. The killing
of three policemen in Mayurbhanj, Orissa, on October 13 and the
beheading of Francis Induwar, intelligence official with Jharkhand
Police, on October 6 were the latest in a string of bloody messages
they sent to New Delhi. Protesting the Centre’s direct offensive,
Naxals blew up railway tracks near Simultala, Bihar, during their two-
day bandh in Bihar and Jharkhand. And on October 13, when Maharashtra
went to the polls, they engaged security forces in Gadchiroli, aiming
to disrupt the election process.

THE WEEK got a copy of their roadmap—a 14-page confidential report of
the politburo of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). Dated June 12
and titled Post-Election Situation—Our Tasks, the report was allegedly
written by Kobad Ghandy, the Naxal ideologue currently under arrest.
Skim through the report, and it becomes clear that the increased Naxal
violence after the Lok Sabha polls in May 2009 is not spontaneous, but
scripted. The first seven pages analyse the election results and what
they hold for the Naxals. The report derides the Congress party’s
claim as the single largest party with “29.67 per cent vote share”. It
says: “To describe this as a positive vote for the performance of the
Congress is as deceptive as saying the re-election of Narendra Modi in
Gujarat was a positive vote for his development work….”

The Left parties, too, have been mauled. The report says, “The so-
called Left parties were the biggest losers.” Highly critical of the
Third Front, the report says, “The experiment by the bankrupt Left
collapsed like a pack of cards.” It says the people did not vote for
economic reform—else how did Mamata Banerjee win in West Bengal
despite her stopping the Nano car factory project?

“The report is a revolutionary analysis and critique of the country’s
democratic system. The Maoists have tried to prove that theirs is a
political movement against the government of India,” says lecturer
Rajat Kujur, an expert on the Naxalite movement.
The political part of the report closes with an observation that
Naxals have more to fear from the resurgent UPA, as a victorious
Congress will be “more authoritarian and repressive in its policies”.
“The unfolding state terror and state-sponsored terror under the Sonia-
Manmohan-Chidambaram combine will be far more brutal, deadly and
savage…” it says.

Perhaps, the Naxals do have a point about the government’s confused
approach. On October 11, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh urged Naxals to
give up arms and talk. He was hazy when he said the Centre would not
set the Army on the Naxals. And he closed by saying Naxals posed the
gravest internal security threat, and Operation Green Hunt, the recent
police-paramilitary offensive against Naxals, would continue.

The question remains: to talk or to shoot? This fundamental confusion
has been the crux of India’s Naxal policy. Some say an insurgency
cannot be ‘out-developed’; it should be outgunned. Others say force
alone is a “counterproductive half-measure”. Interestingly, the latter
view has takers in M.L. Kumawat, former chairman of the home
ministry’s anti-Naxal task force, and D. Bandopadhyay, head of the
Planning Commission’s expert committee on Naxalism.

Bandopadhyay says: “New Delhi should ideally relinquish the security-
centric view of tackling Naxals and address the causes of legitimate
dissent. If it sticks to violent offensives, it might just end up
fighting an escalating battle on the internal security front.”
The Maoists are deeply suspicious of the Centre’s intentions. It says:
“The enemy will aim to isolate us from the broad masses by engaging us
in continuous military engagements and then pin us down using his
superior armed force… we have to foil this tactic by taking up the
basic issues of the people, mobilising them into militant mass
struggles, taking up wide propaganda and making serious attempts to
build broad-based united fronts with forces who oppose the state’s
brutal offensive.” The core focuses are clear—militant mass struggles,
propaganda and alliances with other ultras; there is no space for
talks with the Centre.

Ajai Sahni, executive director of the Institute for Conflict
Management, says the report shows Naxals are prepared to fight the
nation. Says Sahni: “To sustain a movement of this kind, you fight on
the periphery. You scout for opportunities and then strike at the
weaknesses of the state machinery.” He says it is as important to
contain insurgents as to fight them. Andhra Pradesh’s failure to
contain Naxals while fighting them led to them fleeing the state and
setting up bases elsewhere. Today, 14 states are fighting them.

Outgoing Maharashtra additional director general of police Pankaj
Gupta said, “The report condemns government’s success on socio-
political fronts and its arguments seek to alienate the masses.” Gupta
was in charge of the anti-Naxal operations in Maharashtra.
The last three pages of the report, subtitled Immediate Tasks, provide
a clear view of what is to come. The first task set by the politburo
is to “prepare the people, the Party and the People’s Liberation
Guerilla Army politically to confront the brutal enemy onslaught. The
manner is which we had defeated the Salwa Judum should be projected as
a model to be emulated elsewhere.” It says daring counter-offensives
will enthuse other struggling organisations.

It elaborates: “Prepare and mobilise people for carrying out tactical
counter-offensives and inflict severe losses to the enemy forces;
attacks should be organised against the state’s khaki and olive-clad
terrorist forces, SPOs, police informants and other counter-
revolutionaries and enemies of the people.” Experts estimate the
Naxals’ cadre strength to be around 50,000, of whom 10,000-15,000
cadres could be trained fighters.

The second task seems very close to the recent correction exercise
undertaken by the Communist Party of India (Marxist). “Purge the non-
proletarian trends prevailing in our Party and the movement…” says the
report. The third task is recruitment and counterespionage. “Avoid
everything that is likely to expose [us] to the enemy through
betrayers, arrested persons and Party records,” it says.

The Naxals correctly predict the Centre’s plans to hunt them down and
they highlight formation of units like the Greyhounds and CoBRA. So
the fourth task is a plan to weaken them: “Expand our guerilla war to
new areas and intensify mass resistance so as to disperse the enemy
over a wider area.” The fifth one—minimise innocent casualties or risk
being branded “anti-people and terroristic”. “Cause no damage to
people’s property… and apologise for our mistakes promptly,” the
report says.

The report also compares the Naxals with other ultras fighting the
“imperialists” and “Zionists”, read US and Israel. It warns against
what led to the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam—“an
underestimation of the enemy along with an overestimation of its own
forces and capabilities.” The report warns that the US will mediate on
issues between India and Pakistan, so that the armies of both
countries will be free to fight internal ultras—the Taliban and
Naxals.
Dandapani Mohanty, a senior Maoist leader from Orissa, says: “We have
no faith in parliamentary institutions and wish to establish a
people’s government through people’s war. We have never indulged in
violence. On the contrary, Naxals have tried to protect society from
state terror.”

Former Maoist emissary Varavara Rao said: “Social injustice is
violence, too. It is structural violence. A section is deprived as a
result of the state’s systematic subversion. Naxals have traditionally
backed development projects in remote corners of the country. Whatever
is happening now in Chhattisgarh and Lalgarh are examples of the state
shying away from real development issues.”

With the Naxals not showing any signs of shunning violence, New
Delhi’s current blitzkrieg may also fizzle out. The Centre’s new
policy to delink development and the Naxal problem might just not be
the right solution.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-17 09:09:40 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Naxal-scientist-couple-had-video-of-slain-cop-Police/articleshow/5134287.cms

Naxal 'scientist couple' had video of slain cop: Police
IANS 17 October 2009, 12:14pm IST

RANCHI: A laptop and CD belonging to an arrested scientist who is
alleged to be a top ranking Maoist contain videos and newspaper
clippings of Jharkhand inspector Francis Induwar who was abducted and
beheaded by the rebels, police has claimed.

Ravi Sharma, 49, and his wife B. Anuradha, 45, were arrested by
Hazaribagh police on Wednesday. Police seized a laptop, CDs and other
material from the couple. On Friday, they were taken into three days
police remand for interrogation.

"The laptop and CDs have visuals shown by some news channels of the
abduction and killing of slain cop Induwar. Scans of newspaper reports
in local and national dailies have also been found in the laptop and
CDs," Pankaj Kamboj, the Hazaribagh superintendent of police, told
IANS.

He said the videos and newspaper clippings relate to Induwar's
abduction, killing and subsequent reactions to the incident. Police
say this indicates Sharma was involved in his killing.

According to police sources, Sharma has admitted that the Communist
Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) extorts money worth Rs.25 crore per
annum.

The couple arrived in Jharkhand when it was still part of undivided
Bihar in 1997. Sharma is known by different aliases like Arjun,
Mahesh, Ashok. He is a member of the Bihar Jharkhand Special Action
Committee (BJSAC), say police. He is also allegedly linked to the
central monitoring committee of the CPI-Maoist.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-17 09:36:05 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Foreign-spies-may-have-sneaked-into-Lalgarh/articleshow/5133308.cms

Foreign spies may have sneaked into Lalgarh
Caesar Mandal, TNN 17 October 2009, 11:00am IST

KOLKATA: Two English-speaking foreigners had sneaked into Maoist-
dominated Lalgarh in April this year and stayed undetected for weeks
after the security forces started their crackdown on June 18. Police
and intelligence agencies have been thrown into a tizzy after this
revelation.

The identities of these two foreigners have not yet been established,
nor what they were doing there. The duo apparently changed locations
repeatedly between Bengal and Jharkhand and went around asking
villagers about the troubles in the area and whether they knew
anything about Maoism.

Officials here are worried about the possibility that they might be
foreign intelligence agents.

What caught the police's attention first was two locally made toilet
commodes discovered during a raid in Bahdodihi village near Ghatsila,
Jharkhand, bordering West Midnapore and Purulia in Bengal. Police were
immediately suspicious because local people do not use such things.
They asked around if any outsiders were in the area.

They were stunned to know that two gora sahibs' had been there since
April. One of them called the other David'. They spoke in English and
often talked to villagers with the help of an Indian interpreter.

Villagers of Patamda in Jharkhand told police that the foreigners
regularly visited the local marketplace and even came to their homes,
took pictures of the locality and talked to them about their poverty
and Maoism. When students of local missionary schools asked the sahibs
where they had come from, the duo said they had come to do some
research work on behalf of a foreign agency. Jharkhand Police found
their traces in Jharkhand's Chakulia and Lalgarh in Bengal.

When PCPA leader Chhatradhar Mahato was arrested from Lalgarh, police
specifically asked him about the two foreigners. He apparently
admitted knowing some foreigners were around, but claimed he had not
met them. A lot of foreigners journalists and NGO workers had come to
Lalgarh during the agitation, Mahato said.

Officers believe the mysterious duo entered Jangalmahal from the
Jharkhand end, when police were busy preventing rights activists such
as Medha Patkar and Gopal Menon from entering Lalgarh. Intelligence
agencies indicate that these foreigners came in with the Maoists and
had been working among the tribals for months before the Lalgarh
operation.

The Bengal CID is sending a team to interrogate arrested Maoist
leaders in Jharkhand to learn more about the foreigners and cross-
check the information with what Mahato and arrested Maoist leaders
have told them.

According to police, Maoists have been getting funds from within the
country and abroad including a Norway-based agency but the cops are
yet to nail them. CPI(Maoist) politburo member Kishanji, however,
rubbished such claims and said that foreigners had never come to the
organization during this phase. Police in two states, though, are sure
about the presence of the sahibs' in Lalgarh and other Maoist-
dominated areas.

Meanwhile, Police produced PCPA leader Chhatradhar Mahato before a
Jhargram court for examining his handwriting. Mahato was asked for a
specimen signature, but he refused to give one.

The prosecution, on October 1, had submitted a petition, showing some
hand-written documents that were seized from Mahato's residence. It
said that comparing it with the PCPA leader's handwriting was very
essential, as police firmly believe that the documents were written by
him.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-17 14:23:52 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Deeper-and-darker/H1-Article1-466194.aspx

Deeper and darker
Barkha Dutt
October 16, 2009

First Published: 20:50 IST(16/10/2009)
Last Updated: 02:25 IST(17/10/2009)

If your father was beheaded, his body abandoned on a deserted highway
as a dare to the power of the State, how would you possibly explain it
to your children? Frances Induwar’s ten-year-old son alternated
between devastated tears and determined courage as he announced that
he was going to be a policeman like his dad. He said he wanted to
fight the Naxals who killed innocent people. It was an indelible image
that should have seared our conscience and, once and for all, ended
the debate about whether the worthiness of a cause can justify
political violence.

And yet, here we are entangled in that old web of ‘ifs and buts’. Some
worthy exceptions apart (people like Medha Patkar condemned the
incident unequivocally), you would be surprised at how many activists
continue to talk about the “terrorism of the State” each time they are
asked about murder as a means of protest. One of them even announced
grandly on national television that there had never been a
“revolution” without “some violence.” Another launched a polemical
assault on the evils of capitalism. It’s frightening to see how many
people resist simple condemnation of violence and cling onto the
clichéd, wishy-washy narrative of a Robin Hood fairy tale.

Actually, I think the Home Minister — easily the best man for the job
we have had in decades — was spot on when he said activists had a
moral dilemma. Were they going to continue to rationalise vigilante
violence? Or would they encourage Maoists to abandon arms and take up
the Centre’s offer for dialogue? After all, even Kashmir’s largest
indigenous militant group, the Hizbul Mujahideen called a ceasefire
(sadly for all of ten days) before talks first began with the Home
Ministry in 2000.

Chidambaram — who is essentially liberal — has resisted easy labeling
of Maoists in media clichés, arguing that, “not all Naxals are
terrorists.” But no government can afford to just sit back and watch
40,000 square kilometres of India virtually secede from the nation.
Today, over 2000 police stations are under Naxal control. You can
either pretend the problem doesn’t exist — which is what the previous
home minister did. Or you can make an attempt at tackling it head-on.
Obviously, the solution cannot be some swoop-down-at-midnight-
Nandigram-style operation where innocent tribals get crushed between
the State and the Naxals.

But, at least the Naxal issue is now being debated in the mainstream —
by the Cabinet, in the media and by development workers. This is a
huge change from years of indifference, when the remoteness of the
areas under Naxal influence and the lack of urgency by anyone in the
administration, just relegated it to India’s heart of darkness,
allowing the shadows to grow deeper and longer.

Yes, as Rahul Gandhi argued, the failure of governance may well be at
the root of the malaise. It’s difficult to sell the idea of democracy
to a people where participation in politics promises no relief from
oppression. And yes, as we have seen in conflict zones across the
country — Kashmir, Manipur, Nagaland, — the State can sometimes be a
beast. Fake encounters, false allegations and exaggerated nationalism
are guaranteed to be counter-productive and alienating.

Earlier, the irony of the government response to the Naxal challenge
was that while Shivraj Patil hemmed and hawed and did pretty much
nothing, a disastrous entity called the Salwa Judum was allowed to
unleash mayhem in Chhattisgarh. Dressed up as people’s resistance to
Naxal violence, the Salwa Judum was clearly a private militia backed
by the state government.

It’s been beset by controversy including serious allegations of
recruiting and arming children. But, unlike the Maoists, at
least the Salwa Judum could be taken to court. And the Supreme Court
was clear. In 2008 it told the government, “You cannot give arms to
somebody and allow him to kill.” The good news is that the Salwa
Judum’s knives have been blunted and it’s been directed to stay out of
all operations.

And while this dispensation in the Home Ministry is categorical that
arming civilians is no answer, a sharp public condemnation could help
in undoing some damage. The government also needs to move carefully in
its crackdown on Maoist supporters and sympathisers. The long
detention of Binayak Sen was reminiscent of similar mistakes made in
the Kashmir valley where the due process of law was often abandoned.
The government also needs to pay attention to genuine voices working
on the ground. Development workers, like Himanshu Kumar, who have
worked for years in Dantewada, have often raised a legitimate
question. Why are poor, deprived people choosing a brand of politics
that could end their lives?

It’s a question we will have to tackle sooner or later. But in the
meantime, we desperately need a less polarised debate.

Heady stories of the 60s brand of rebellion cannot distract us from
the brutality of what could become a civil war.

Equally, before urban India opines glibly on places it has never been
to, we should reflect on our own lack of empathy with the deprivation
of millions. But no matter what, we just cannot justify political
violence.

The State’s excesses can be contained by the checks and balances of a
judicial system. Our courts may be slow. But they usually end up on
the right side of the law. Extra-constitutional violence, whether that
of the Naxals or the kind unleashed by groups like the Salwa Judum,
can have no place in our democracy.

Frances Induwar’s widow was asked by Rahul Gandhi what she thought was
the best way to tackle the Maoists. Even in her moment of loss she
found the grace to talk about how the state’s development needed to
reach the poorest of the poor. But she also implored her husband’s
killers to stop the violence. Will they listen to her?

Barkha Dutt is Group Editor, English News, NDTV

The views expressed by the author are personal

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-18 10:55:32 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/336231_Naxals-from-Maha--Chhattisgarh-sneak-into-MP

Naxals from Maha, Chhattisgarh sneak into MP
STAFF WRITER 11:20 HRS IST

Bhopal, Oct 18 (PTI) More than 50 Naxalites have sneaked into Madhya
Pradesh's red ultras-affected Balaghat district from Chhattisgarh and
Maharashtra after the security forces got tough with them in the two
states, a senior police officer said.

"We have received reports of over 50 Naxals entering the district,"
Balaghat Superintendent of Police H C Mishra told PTI.

"We increased our vigil in sensitive areas and patrolling has been
intensified in the areas, close to Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra," he
said.

On October 12, the Balaghat police nabbed two Naxals and during
investigation they found that one of them -- Kailash Baiga -- hailed
from village Salawada in Rajnandgaon, he said.

Balaghat, Rajnandgaon, Gondia and Gadchiroli come under a division of
Maharashtra State Committee of the CPI(Maoists), Mishra said.

Naxal activities have been reported in Balaghat for well over a
decade.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-18 13:24:49 UTC
Permalink
http://communalism.blogspot.com/2009/10/un-anti-caste-charter-annihilation-of.html

UN Anti Caste Charter -Annihilation of Caste
Ram Puniyani

The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) held in Geneva
(September 2009) deliberated on the recognition of caste as race. It
proposed to ensure that descent and work based discriminations need to
be fought against at global level. Nearly 200 million people all over
the World are victims of such discriminations, which are associated
with notion of purity, pollution and practices of untouchability.
These are deeply rooted in our society and have also assumed cultural
forms. India so far has been taking the stand that caste issues should
not be internationalized as caste is not race and it is our internal
matter. On this issue, earlier Nepal, a Hindu Kingdom, also was toeing
similar line. With overthrow of Hindu Kingdom and coming in of
democracy, Nepal has come to take the stand that caste based
discriminations are akin to race based one’s and so international
efforts need to be thought of to supplement the national efforts.
India still is trying to hide its underbelly, which is quite
unfortunate.

There are two types of pressures on India currently. The Human Rights
activists are urging that India should take leadership in ensuring
that UN norms are brought up, caste recognized as race and the caste
discrimination should invite censures from UN as well. On the other
hand BJP spokesperson Ravi Shanker Prasad stated that India should
oppose such a move as that will involve UN sanctions if such
violations take place in India. He went to say this internationalizing
the issue of caste is a failure of India’s foreign policy. At the same
time we read that dalits were beaten up (15th Oct 2009) while trying
to enter temple in Nagapattinam, Tamil Nadu. This is a matter of great
shame. This temple entry was part of several such programs planned to
ensure that dalits are not discriminated against in temples. We recall
that nearly eight decades earlier Dr. Ambedkar also met a similar fate
when he organized Kalaram Temple agitation on the issue of Dalits
entry into temples. How little things have changed after such a lapse
of time!

In consequence, Nepal has been the first country in South Asia, where
untouchability has been traditionally practiced, to articulate its
opposition to those abysmal practices in a very strong manner at
International level as well. UNHRC document is proposing a regional
and international mechanism, UN and its organs are to complement
national efforts to combat caste discrimination. It proposes to equate
all discrimination on the basis of caste occupation and descent as
violation of Human rights. India’s opposition to this is shocking
despite an earlier (2006) statement by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh,
which compared untouchability to apartheid. It seems that the state
machinery has elements that are deliberately tilting the policies in
this retrograde direction. BJP’s opposition to the UN Human rights
efforts is quite understandable, as BJP politics is based around the
goal of Hindu Rashtra. In all the concepts of religious nationalism,
based on any religion for that matter, there is a neat division
between rights and duties. Rights are for elite dominant sections and
duties are for the downtrodden! So as per that human rights for dalits
and women are unthinkable. But how come Manmohan Singh who equated
untouchabilty with apartheid is keeping quiet on this?

Despite the provisions enshrined in our constitution and various
prevalent laws the practice of untouchability, caste based
discriminations do persist. There are also political tendencies, which
want to undo the affirmative action directed to uplift those
discriminated due to caste. In India today various theories are doing
rounds as to the origin of the caste. Many of these are mere
propaganda of vested political interests in the guise of theories.

It is being propagated that caste system came into being due to the
invasion of Muslim Kings, who were out to convert the local people by
sword. According to this those Hindus who were very proud of their
religion escaped to forests, resulting in their social down slide and
so the caste system came into being. The other such Hindus who opposed
their conversion were forced to clean the toilets of Muslim kings and
elite. Due to this, caste system came in and untouchability became a
norm! These ‘theories’ of caste system are merely a figment of
‘politically necessary’ imaginations, not based on any historical
scholarship or deeper social understanding of those times.

Some of the more serious theories revolve around Aryan-Dravid race
theories, some around Marxist class theory of division of labor. About
the Aryan-Dravid theory of caste, recently Genome studies have ruled
out any water tight Aryan-Dravid divide, as there is unrecognizable
mixture. Aryans took some as Dasas, but later intermixing was very
extensive to be able to maintain race boundaries. As far as class
theories, division of labor, Ambedkars’s comments are very apt, caste
is not a division of labor, it is a division of laborers.

The origin of caste is much more complex. Ambedkar in his various
contributions presents highly nuanced theory of caste origin. Two of
his books, ‘Who were the Shudras?’ and ‘Untouchables’ deal with it.
His ‘Revolution and Counter Revolution in Ancient India’ also throws
light on the topic. Ambedkar rejects the race theory to a great
extent. As per him caste is a social division of people, created by
ideological and religious factors. The concept of caste can traced to
first Millennium BC. Let’s remember here that Muslim kings’ influence
in India began around eleventh century only.

Multiple factors operated in converting the locally organized tribes
into castes. The process was not sudden and went on getting rigid over
a period of time. The factors converting these local tribes into caste
entities were, coming of Aryans and Brahminical ideology. The Aryans
who came here were divided loosely into three groups, warriors;
priests and trader-farmers. The Dasas were added up here in India.
Over a period of time this loose arrangement became birth based and
tribes in local areas got transformed into fixed endogamous groups,
belonging to a particular caste, performing a fixed economic function.
This in turn created a social hierarchy between castes. By second
century AD its contours are very marked.

The Vedic period is a one of Varna. Purush Sukta of Rig Veda tells us
that Lord Brahma created four varnas from the body of Virat Purush.
With coming of Buddhism, Brahmanical values of Varna got challenged
and were not adhered to. This resulted in the betterment of condition
of Shudra and women. This period is followed by the period of Manu
Smriti (2nd Century AD) where Varna gets converted in to caste, with
consequent downgrading of shudras and women.

The Muslim Kings who ruled areas of the country did not disturb the
local social arrangements. As a matter of fact they had many
associates and advisors, who were Hindus and they were also part of
top echelons of administration and army during this period. Two other
phenomena took place during this period. One, Indian caste system
affected Muslim community as well, because of which there came into
being castes amongst Muslim community, Ashraf; Azlaf and Arzal, quiet
akin to the caste hierarchy in Hindu society. Two, some low caste
Hindus tried to escape the Brahminical tyranny by embracing Islam
under the influence of Sufi saints. Bhakti tradition also talked
against caste system. Most of the Bhakti saints themselves were from
low caste.

The period of freedom movement, in contrast, is a period of the
beginning of processes demanding the equality of caste and gender.
Movement for Indian nationalism was accompanied by these values while
the politics based on Muslim Nationalism and Hindu nationalism, had
not much to do with these social processes. Low caste Muslims and
Hindus both kept aloof from Religious nationalism and followed the
concept of composite Indian nationalism. We see the contrast that the
protagonists of equality for Shudras burn Manusmriti, the codification
of caste and gender hierarchy, while the one’s based on religious
nationalism called for ancient glories when Manu Smriti was ruling the
roost. Some of them (Deen Dayal Upadhyay) went on to state that
different varnas are like different limbs of the body politic of the
society, needed for proper equilibrium in society.

Today sixty years after Independence and coming into being of Indian
Constitution, the prevalence of untouchability and caste practices are
a matter of shame for us. It is time we intensify our own efforts to
eradicate it and join the global efforts to end this carry over from
our past.

Posted by Ram Puniyani at Sunday, October 18, 2009

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-18 13:38:53 UTC
Permalink
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=314&page=23

Reports

Spread of Maoist violence to Maharashtra
Is UPA serious about fighting them?
By Virag Pachpore
October 25, 2009

The brutal killing of 18 policemen by around 300 armed Naxalites in
Laheri forest of Gadchiroli district just on the eve of Assembly
elections in Maharashtra has once again exposed the major faults in
the security apparatus and system in the State. Not only that, it also
bared the lack of proper coordination and cooperation among various
departments of the State and central security apparatus.

Police have placed their informers in Naxal-infested areas of
Gadchiroli district to get the whereabouts of the ultras. Sometimes
the information provided by these informers happens to be incorrect.
But without verifying or corroborating this information from other
sources, the troops are sent to fight with the Naxalites. The result:
The cops have to bear the brunt of the attack by Naxalites. It
happened on February 2, May 22 and latest on October 9 in the same
year. The Maharashtra Police department lost some 60 cops in the
battle with the Maoists in Gadchiroli.

The Maoist, retorting to the ‘stern’ warning from Union Home Minister
P Chidambaram to give up violence or face ‘consequences’, ambushed the
search party of Maharashtra Police consisting of 40 cops and attacked
them with automatic weapons slaying 18 of them on the spot on October
9 last. The meticulously planned operation took place just 18 km from
the Chhattisgarh border in Bhamragarh division of Gadchiroli district
of eastern Vidarbha. A young and promising inspector Chandrashekhar
Deshmukh, who was on his posting after passing out from Nasik Police
Academy, was also killed in by the Maoists in this ambush.

The October 9 incident, is the biggest ever incident that happened in
the Naxal history of the State. Earlier, on February 2 the Naxals
eliminated 15 cops in Markegaon village, and 16 cops including 5 women
in Hattigota on May 22. In both these ambushes the ultras were
successful in slaying two brave and promising Police officers of the
State.

It was understood that the October 9 ambush was led by a woman Naxal
leader called Tarakka, who is said to be sharp-minded leader and known
the terrain very well. She is the south Gadchiroli divisional
committee member and wife of central committee member and Maharashtra
incharge Mullajhola Venugopal alias Bhupati. It is believed that she
had masterminded the entire operation against the cops in Laheri
forest which lasted for nearly five hours and left 18 policemen dead.

Besides, dreaded Naxal leader Eaitu, who is the commander-in-chief of
company dalam and member of Dandakaranya Special Zone Committee also
helped Tarakka in executing the operation at Laheri.

The worst part of the entire operation was the cops under attack sent
repeated messages seeking help to nearby Police station but no help or
reinforcements were sent to rescue them or to bail them out from that
precarious situation. The Naxalites were heavily armed against the
Policemen, who later went out of ammunition and had no option but to
bear the brunt of the Naxal attack. The helicopter was not sent to
assist the fighting cops but was dispatched to netas for election
campaign. This was against the assurance by the State DGP Anami Roy
who, in a Press Conference just four days ago, had said that four
choppers were kept ready to be deployed in Naxal infested areas of
Gadchiroli district.

And State Home Minster Jayant Patil rushes to Gadchiroli to attend the
funeral of these slain policemen by Helicopter the very next day of
the incident!

Naxalism today has become a grave threat to our internal security.
Right from Nepal in North to Andhra and Karnataka in the South they
want to create a Red Corridor from ‘Pashupati to Tirupati’. What
started in 1966 at a small, obscure village of Naxalbari in North
Bengal has become one of the major security threats to Indian polity.
They do not believe in democracy and their slogan is “Power not by
ballot but by bullet”. Today they have spread their network in 125
districts of 12 states in India. So far there are 40-odd Naxal groups
or dalams, are active in these states and nearly 25,000 people have
lost their lives in the Naxal violence. They attack government
offices, uproot rails and destroy democratic institutions. Instead of
acting tough to curb this violence, the government always offers them
the olive branch of talks and negotiations to sort out their problems
and demands.

The Naxalites are influenced by the Communist ideology of China and
the local Communist parties and leaders do not hide their support to
them. Recently General Secretary of CPI A B Bardhan had almost dared
the government to take action against the Naxalites while his
counterpart Sitaram Yechuri of CPM also voiced his concern over the
‘repressive’ policies of the government to control the Naxal
violence.

It is of late, the Union Home Minister P Chidambaram seems to have
realised the seriousness of this internal security threat and
expressed his resolve to contain the violence in Naxal-infested
states. He even went to the extent of using army and air force to curb
the ultras. But the Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh in his recent
statement at an election rally in Mumbai said that the government
would not use the armed forces against the Naxalites. “They
(Naxalites) are not terrorists”, the Prime Minister had reportedly
said. But he agreed that they have become the single most internal
security threat. “Even though Naxalism was the single most internal
security threat, the military will not be used to counter it”, the PM
said in an election campaign rally in Mumbai.

This statement of Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh is directly in
contradiction with that of the Home Minister P Chidambaram and Air
Chief Marshall P V Naik. Naik had sought the permission of the
government to shoot the Naxalites, and Chidambaram had announced to
use military to curb the Naxal meance.

For the Prime Minister the Naxal problem is not a terror issue. “We
view this as a socio-economic problem and not a law and order problem”
Dr Singh had said in the same election campaign rally. He also
expressed his readiness to have a dialogue with them provided they
give up violence and extortion. Either the Prime Minister is fooling
the nation or fooling himself. For, everyone knows that the Naxalites
believed in violence and will never give it up. They also know that
they have their supporters in the Indian political environment whose
support is often needed by the Congress party. So they cannot afford
to displease either a Bardhan or a Yechuri.

However hard Chidambaram issued a warning and sent in troops in
Gadchiroli to eliminate the Naxal threat, he would not be able to do
so unless he gets a nod from the Prime Minister. The million dollar
question is will this week-kneed Prime Minister show the most
exemplary courage and nationalist fervour to allow his Home Minister
to act tough on the Naxalites even at the cost of displeasure of his
“Leftists Friends”?

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-18 13:42:14 UTC
Permalink
http://clericalwhispers.blogspot.com/2009/10/cardinal-toppo-tribals-saved-by-christ.html

Sunday, October 18, 2009
Cardinal Toppo: Tribals, saved by Christ and opposed by Hindu
extremists

The Church is missionary, and this mission is directed to non-
Christians and especially to the poorest of the poor, the tribals and
dalits, always exploited and oppressed in Indian society.

This mission is not primarily "doing", but "being".

The task of the 18 million Catholics in India is "to illuminate our
whole country."

So says card. Telesphore Toppo, archbishop of Ranchi, commenting on
the themes of the Indian Missionary Congress (Prabhu Yesu Mahotsav)
being held in Mumbai, entitled "Let your light shine."

The Cardinal hopes that Catholics in the country can return home
"transformed" by the Days in Mumbai, "aware" of the revolution brought
by Christ into their lives and even of the hatred that this may
provoke in others. Below card. Toppo’s declaration to AsiaNews.

What does it mean to be the first tribal cardinal of India?

It means being a symbol of the importance of evangelization of the
tribal population. And this also means having to deal with the more
extreme supporters of Hinduism, members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh (RSS), who often railed against me and periodically burn my
images.

My story, that of tribal Christians, proves that the Church promotes a
development that begins and ends with the affirmation of the integrity
of the human person created in the image of God and endowed by God
with dignity and inalienable rights.

The tribal Christians are an important part of our country's history
and the history of the Church in India, which began 2 thousand years
ago with the Apostle Thomas, who first made known Christianity to us.

What role has the Church among the tribal population?

The tribal Church is young in India. Faith in Jesus, fuelled by social
and educational work of the early missionaries, has freed and
transformed me and my people, making us aware of our dignity and
helped our integration into society.

The Catholic Church has established itself firmly in the tribal areas
of India and this phenomenon may be remembered by history as the
"miracle of Chotanagpur" which occurred 150 years ago now.

As how did this "miracle" come about?

Fr. Constant Lievens, a Jesuit known as the Apostle of Chotanagpur
came and evangelized the oppressed and exploited tribes in the central
regions of India: people like the Mundas, Hos, Oraons or Kharias,
surely the poorest of the poor people living well below the poverty
line and with a very low life expectancy.

Many of them were illiterate, subjugated and reduced to slavery by the
zamindars, the landlords; victims of usurers. They were a group of
bodies rather than a people, people without a creed, mercilessly
submissive whose desire to live was reduced to dust. But when they
accepted Jesus, they began to grow once again with Him in baptism.

And now they are a people of God with a voice, an awareness of
themselves, able to fight for their rights.

So the Indian Church to be herself must be missionary?

The Church must be ad gentes, evangelization is not so much a question
of Doing but Being, the presence of Christian witness attracts people,
imagine if the 18million Catholics of India, lived our faith
authentically, we would illuminate India!”
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Disclaimer

No responsibility or liability shall attach itself to us or to the
blogspot ‘Clerical Whispers’ for any or all of the articles placed
here.

The placing of an article hereupon does not necessarily imply that we
agree or accept the contents of the article as being necessarily
factual in theology, dogma or otherwise.

SIC: AN

Posted at 10/18/2009 12:06:00 AM
Edited Edited

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-18 14:54:40 UTC
Permalink
http://www.dalitmuslims.com/2009/10/ambedkar-and-kanshi-ram-similar-yet.html

Saturday, October 17, 2009
Ambedkar and Kanshi Ram: similar, yet different

The major difference in perceptions and visions of both the Dalit
ideologues may be observed in their views of caste and emancipatory
political actions

By Badri Narayan

Two outstanding leaders of the Dalit movement, Bhimrao Ambedkar and
Kanshi Ram, may have fought for the same things but could not have
been more different.

One was trained in Columbia University while the other was born in a
tiny village of Punjab and trained in Pune Dalit Politics. As a
successful propagator of Ambedkar’s ideology, Kanshi Ram turned a
stoical critic of the Maharashtrian Dalit movement. As a student of
the Western knowledge tradition, Ambedkar derived most of his
ideological ingredients by looking at Dalits in the context of history
while Kanshi Ram explored his political arguments in favour of Dalits
using the interesting mixture of both historical and mythical context.

So are Ambedkar and Kanshi Ram comparable? Maybe yes. And maybe no.

Here I am not comparing Ambedkar with Kanshi Ram but trying to analyse
two experiments, which are sometimes linked, overlapping and
interactive.

Movements and mobilizations for Dalit emancipation: Ambedkar initiated
the Dalit movements in western India and Kanshi Ram led the Bahujan
movement in north and central India.

The Bahujan movement, as reflected in the formation of the Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP) and its remarkable success in previous elections in
Uttar Pradesh, is most of the time understood as merely an extension
of Ambedkar’s ideas and politics. We usually do not pay attention to
the underlying variations and difference of perceptions, visions and
strategies in the ideas and political actions of Ambedkar and Kanshi
Ram. During the 1980s, when Kanshi Ram was sowing the seeds of BSP
politics in Uttar Pradesh, he too associated himself with Ambedkar’s
articulation. Both were of the view that political power is the master
key through which one can open all the doors of progress and
recognition, and to achieve this, it was very important for the Dalits
to unite.

In his speeches, Kanshi Ram always asserted that the sapling of Dalit
politics originated in Maharashtra but it grew and was nurtured in the
soil of Uttar Pradesh. Ambedkar called the politics of emancipation of
marginalized groups the “Dalit movement” while Kanshi Ram preferred to
term it the “Bahujan movement”. He usually avoided using the word
Dalit and said that Dalits have to give up their attitude of crying,
begging and demanding. He said they have to become very strong and
emancipate themselves from the vicious circle of “Dalitness” so that
they could be charitable to others instead of demanding charity.

Ambedkar tried to provide an ethical context to the politics of Dalit
liberation; for him morality was more important for the attainment of
political goals. However, Kanshi Ram, in his political experiment, did
not pay much heed to the means of acquiring a political regime but
laid more emphasis on the end—the attainment of political power. For
him the end justified the means.

He provided a practical form to Dalit politics in Indian society. But
this practical form of Dalit politics is not like those of upper caste
dominant parties such as the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP). It is associated with the weakening of these dominant forces by
the subversive use of the tools of Brahminical and hegemonic politics.

When the BSP was forming a government in alliance with the BJP,
someone put forth his view before Kanshi Ram that this was sheer
opportunism. Kanshi Ram is said to have quickly replied: “If the
Brahmins can become influential by making use of this opportunism then
there is nothing wrong if the Dalits use this opportunism to empower
themselves.” While Ambedkar based his Dalit politics on ethical and
moral values, Kanshi Ram’s way of Dalit politics was practical and
pragmatic in approach. He believed in using instruments of dominant
groups which had been applied for centuries to oppress the
marginalized.

Strategically and politically, there is a great similarity between
Ambedkar’s and Kanshi Ram’s thoughts on politics. Both of them thought
that the Dalits should organize themselves into such a political power
that the influential political groups fail to get absolute majority.
In that situation they would come to the Dalits for support.

The major difference in perceptions and visions of both the Dalit
ideologues may be observed in their views of caste and emancipatory
political actions. Ambedkar wanted the annihilation of caste. However,
Bahujan politics, which Kanshi Ram developed in Uttar Pradesh, was
different from Ambedkar’s concept and was based on awakening the
Dalits towards the restoration of their caste identity and self-
esteem. Kanshi Ram said: “In 1962-63, when I got the opportunity to
read Ambedkar’s book Annihilation of Caste, then I also felt that it
is perhaps possible to eradicate casteism from the society. But later
on when I studied the caste system and its behaviour in depth,
gradually there was a modification in my thoughts. I have not only
gained knowledge about caste from the books but from my personal life
too. After understanding its functions in Indian society, I have
stopped thinking about the annihilation of caste.”

For the eradication of caste, Kanshi Ram believed in the strategy that
the Dalits should use their caste as a tool for their emancipation. He
felt that as long as a casteless society was not formed, caste would
have to be used to dethrone Brahminism. Kanshi Ram’s idea regarding
Ambedkar’s demand for a separate state for Dalits was also different.
He wanted the Dalits to attain a respectable and glorious position in
mainstream society and that they should not be treated as a separate
entity.

Ambedkar associated the emancipation of Dalits with their religious
emancipation and because of this he quit the Hindu religion and
embraced Buddhism on 14 October 1956. On the contrary, Kanshi Ram and
Mayawati said religious emancipation is only possible through
political liberation. They were willing to convert to Buddhism only
when the Bahujans acquire power in the government. That is why in
spite of using the symbols of Buddha in their politics, Kanshi Ram and
Mayawati did not convert to Buddhism. One of the important reasons
behind this was also that most of the rural Dalits of Uttar Pradesh
are associated with medieval sects (Bhaktikaleen) such as the Ravidas
Panth, Kabir Panth and Shiv Narayani. The people of these sects
believe in creating a space for themselves while residing in the
cultural milieu of Hindu society. They won’t be able to associate
themselves with Buddhism. Somewhere Mayawati fears that this can
spread discontentment among rural Dalits. Perhaps this is the reason
why Mayawati says that without establishing Bahujan power in this
country, religious conversion will only cause harm to the welfare of
the Bahujans. The history of the political actions of Kanshi Ram
suggests that he always took insights from marginalized people than
from ideas and ideologies. He even learnt the tricks and tactics from
the groups with whom he had to fight.

The late founder of the BSP said this best himself.

“Ambedkar learnt from the books but I have learnt from my own life and
people. He used to gather books, I tried to gather people.”

(Badri Narayan is a writer and columnist based in Allahabad. He is
also a faculty member of the Govind Ballabh Pant Social Science
Institute, Allahabad.)

Source:
http://www.livemint.com

Posted by Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-18 23:29:38 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bangalore/Drop-your-guns-talk-peace/articleshow/5137189.cms

Drop your guns, talk peace
Prashanth G N, TNN 19 October 2009, 02:25am IST

With the Centre planning a new offensive against Maoists in the next
three weeks in many states, Karnataka will also need to have a plan in
hand.

Home minister V S Acharya and rural development minister Shobha
Karandlaje feel a two-pronged approach is necessary to deal with the
Naxal issue: talks and simultaneous development.

Q If central forces start operations against Maoists, what
implications do you see for Karnataka?

A In our state, Naxal activity is on a very small scale. It is not
like in some other states. Our state is also not included in the
national list of Naxal-hit states. Even at a high-level meeting on
Naxals, we were told it wasn't necessary for us to attend, as
Karnataka was not considered a Naxal-affected state. I say it as home
minister and please take that seriously.

What will be the state's policy on Naxals if the new offensive
starts?

With or without central offensive, we have on our own been acting
against Naxals. We are duty-bound to act against them. If we receive a
circular on the new plans or any directions are issued, we will follow
them.

What is your perception of the Centre's new plans?

Let the Centre be clear and firm in their policy. They should go the
whole hog against Naxals or else the problem won't be solved. There
seems to be dilly-dallying. One day, they say the military will be
involved, the next day they retract. One day, they say IAF helicopters
will be involved, the next day PM says no. What is this? Naxals can
only be put down with a firm hand. The planned offensive against
Naxals is good. Better late than never. But some states require more
urgent assistance than we do.

Is Naxalism a serious problem in the state?

There isn't much Naxal activity in Karnataka, except for the
occasional eruption of violence and death. It is restricted to a few
pockets.

What is your view on `Naxal sympathisers'?

We are keeping a watch over them. We have even arrested some
sympathisers, some of whom are tribals. Observation will continue.

Is the Naxal movement a development or law-and-order issue?

Development is all nonsense. We will deal with it purely as a law-and-
order issue.

Naxal movement doesn't have anything to do with social justice?

Nothing. Is killing innocent people social justice? They talk of high
thoughts to camouflage bad deeds. We have zero-tolerance to violence
from any quarter -- left-wing extremism or extortionists. India is a
democracy and there are opportunities to protest in democratic ways.
Violence has no place in a democracy.

How would you understand Naxalism?

Naxalism is a foolish, blind act. Madness. It is hysteria created by a
group of misguided youth who don't have respect for law and democracy.
I am a doctor and I would prescribe treatment to them. They have been
struggling for 40 years and what have they achieved? A futile
exercise. It has not reached, and will not reach, any logical
conclusion. Some who have been arrested admit to us that it is all a
wasted effort.

Any special development plans for Naxal-prone districts?

Some action is being taken. Local officials are looking into social
and developmental issues so that no murmur crops up in the name of
Naxal activity. We are trying to reach facilities to interior
villages. The rural development minister has already visited some
villages and action is under way.

Is backwardness related to Naxalism?

I am very clear -- we don't want to give the impression that it is due
to backwardness that the Naxal movement has started. Facilities will
be provided to all backward districts anyway.

How would you solve the Naxal issue in the long term?

We are very confident we will solve the issue soon. Our forces are on
alert and are watching people involved in Naxal activity. There is
absolutely no dearth of money or manpower. As home minister, I have to
be clear -- you are with the law or you are not. If you are not with
the law, I will have to act as per law.

Is the door shut on talks with Naxals?

The door is always open. If you don't knock on it to get an
opportunity, what can we do? We have always said and I say even now,
that if Naxals lay down weapons and come for talks, we will bring them
back to the mainstream. We will rehabilitate them and give them an
honourable living.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-18 23:31:41 UTC
Permalink
http://www.centralchronicle.com/viewnews.asp?articleID=17149

Naxal threat to minister, mere eyewash
Posted On Sunday, October 18, 2009
By Adhir Kumar Saxena

Bhopal

Either the Naxalites are out of their mind or life threat to Housing
minister Jayant Malliya is a mere eyewash. Why would Mallaiya be
target of Naxals, is a million dollar question bogging most of the
investigating agencies. Natural targets should be the Chief Minister,
Home Minister, DGP, Chief Secretary. But why Malliya?

Does the minister want to sway a bigger threat coming his way, by
cooking up dangerous stories like naxal threat. When, a bigger ghost
of Bhopal Master Plan 2021 stands to haunt him. He might even lose his
berth is proper inquiries were initiated. Even chief minister Shivraj
Singh Chouhan has accepted that he would not approve the plan in its
present form. Massive suggestions are dropping in from all sections of
the society.

As experts claim, the plan turns out to be hot chocolate for
investors, builders and real estate agents. Especially the timing of
the State Minister for Housing and Environment Jayant Malaiya
receiving a `naxal' threat to blow him up on occasion of Diwali, is
being looked upon skeptically.

Skeptics are of view that the threat issue might have been created to
divert attention of people and those who matter from the controversy
being generated by Bhopal Master Plan Draft 2021. The minister is in
line of fire along with his department on coming out with a very
loosely compiled plan document for the capital.

Coming to bureaucrats, they smell the rat a bit early and and thus
decamp the sinking ship as soon as possible.
In the sequence, former director of Town and Country Planning, Deepali
Rastogi has washed her hands off the Bhopal Master Plan 2021 quite
publicly. The plan has been receiving huge brickbats from all quarters
and is being cited as one of the most loosely compiled plan document.
The lady officer has cited rules to emphasize that only those
officials who finally sign any document should be held responsible for
its contents. One should probably remind the `rule-sticking' officer
that she was the one who circumvented rules to distributed cash
compensation to flood victims in Panna and also went on to demolish
ancient structures despite court orders.

An additional director, an assistant director and few other officials
are going to face axe even if the minister manages to save his berth.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-18 23:33:52 UTC
Permalink
http://www.dailypioneer.com/209809/Only-risk-no-allowance-for-war-on-Naxals.html

Only risk, no allowance for war on Naxals
Navin Upadhyay | Raipur
Monday, October 19, 2009

Govt links grant to combat at 5,000-ft altitude

More para-military personnel have been killed fighting Left-wing
extremism so far this year than taking on the Pakistan-sponsored
jihadis in Jammu & Kashmir and fighting various shades of terrorists
in the North-East. But the jawans belonging to Central para-military
forces (CPMFs) do not get any risk allowance on the lines of the Army
or, for that matter, police in States like Chhattsigarh.

Serious resentment is brewing among the CPMF jawans in Naxalite-
affected States as they gear up to launch a decisive war against
Maoists next month. The jawans have been clamouring for the risk
allowance for years, but their demands haven’t been heeded.

Sources said that in March this year, the Government did clear the
risk allowance for CPMF personnel engaged in combating Red terror on
par with the Army. But the decision came with a rider: The allowance
will be available to only those CPMF personnel who are fighting the
Maoists at an altitude of 5,000 ft or above.

Sources said the CRPF director-general as well as heads of other CPMF
units have written to the Government for reconsidering the decision
because the States affected by the Red terror are located on the
plains or much lower heights than 5,000 ft. “Should the CPMF men take
on Naxalites at the height of the Himalayas to get the risk
allowance?” quipped a CRPF official.

Official figures show that till September this year, 62 security
forces and 185 terrorists died in Jammu & Kashmir and 31 jawans and
421 terrorists were killed in the North-East States. In both cases,
the casualty percentage suffered by terrorists was much higher than
that of security forces. But in the 182 districts affected by Maoists,
255 security personnel were killed while the outlaws’ casualty figure
stood at 224. In Chhattisgarh alone, 115 securitymen were killed till
September 29 while only 105 Maoists met the same fate.

The figures conclusively show that because of dense forests and the
hilly and difficult terrain, the security forces faced greater risk in
the Maoist-affected States than their counterparts in Jammu & Kashmir
and the North-East.

Though the CPMF jawans have no extra incentives to risk their lives
fighting Naxalites, States like Chhattisgarh have introduced schemes
to compensate policemen posted in Maoist-hit districts. “We give 50
per cent more salary to all policemen up to the SP level in Maoist-
affected districts,” said DGP Vishwaranjan.

The Chhattisgarh police has also worked out a scheme to provide timely
compensation to policemen killed or injured while fighting Maoists.
The Government has created a corpus fund of Rs 10 crore to immediately
pay the cops who fall victim to Red violence. “We realised that the
amount we are paying as premium to insurance companies every year can
easily form a corpus fund,” the DGP said.

Even special police officers — mostly surrendered Maoists — in the
Naxal-affected States have little incentive. While the Orissa
Government pays them Rs 3,700 per month, Chhattisgarh pays them Rs
2,100 a month.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-18 23:37:05 UTC
Permalink
http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/%5Cindia%5Cs-problem-is-implementation%5C/373638/

'India's problem is implementation'

Q&A: Salil Shetty, Director, UN Millenium Development Campaign
Sreelatha Menon / New Delhi October 19, 2009, 1:10 IST

The entire country will have a Naxal problem if the government does
not back the Millennium Development Goals with sufficient funds, Salil
Shetty, Director of the UN Millennium Development Campaign, tells
Sreelatha Menon. Excerpts:

Hasn’t India remained rather static on millennium development goals
like maternal and child survival? What is the
achievement in nine years, apart from the rural employment programme?

Each country defines its own path and NREGP (the rural job guarantee)
has been a good step, though its success has not been even. If that is
achieved, many of the goals would be automatically achieved. But our
job is to support citizens to make governments stand by their
promises. Countries come and make promises at the UN, but then forget
about it. Recently, a country said that it wanted to sign the
Convention on the Rights of the Child. Later, it was found that it was
already a signatory.

But all this mobilisation of opinion using NGOs has not really moved
the government into any proactive measure to reverse health
statistics, for instance.

We are trying new strategies. We have joined hands with churches and
many religious groups like Art of Living to make MDGs a public demand.

What about the private sector?

We are also looking at partnering with telecom companies and we look
at SMS as a major tool for helping people achieve the main goals of
access to health, education and economic wellbeing. We are also in
conversation with L N Mittal’s company, which has the Mittal
Foundation. We will be tying up with them for local monitoring, which
we are launching soon. We are also associated with Nandan Nilekeni and
are looking at how best to leverage his new role of creating the
unique identification number.

Do you feel there is an improvement?

I feel policies have improved a lot. At least, the rhetoric is there.
The problem is financing. In healthcare, public investment continues
to be very low. India’s contribution as a percentage of GDP is one of
the lowest in the world. With such investments, what do you expect but
high maternal mortality rates?

Do you think the National Rural Health Mission, with its stress on
institutional delivery, has failed?

India has a scheme for every problem. But in actual implementation,
none of these reach the people.

So, what will you do now to make the government do something that will
reach people?

We have to now track the MDGs at the local level. We have five years
between now and 2015 and we have the right to information, which we
can use.

What about areas hit by Naxalism?

If you don’t address MDGs now, the whole country will become Naxal
territory. You either spend Rs 1,000 today dealing with health or
education or basic needs of the people or spend Rs 10,000 tomorrow on
military operations.

So, you are pessimistic?

No, I do feel that in the last five years, government has begin to
listen. Not that they do anything.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-18 23:49:48 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Francis-Induwar-not-the-last-victim-of-Naxals-and-Maoists/articleshow/5136824.cms

Francis Induwar not the last victim of Naxals and Maoists
Dhananjay Mahapatra, TNN 19 October 2009, 02:24am IST

Francis Induwar, a Jharkhand Special Branch police inspector, was
brutally decapitated by Naxals. In the past, several Induwars in Naxal-
infested districts of Orissa, Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh and
Maharashtra have been killed in cold-blood by the ultra-left armed
cadre.

It was a nice gesture on Rahul Gandhi's part to visit Induwar's family
and tell his three orphaned school-going children that he understood
their pain as he himself had lost his father tragically to another
form of terrorism.

A week or so after the beheading of Induwar, two policemen in Orissa
took the Naxal bullets on their chest in a remote forested area and
blocked the way of the outlaws to allow the politician they were
guarding sufficient time to flee from the ambush site. They died
unsung. Gandhi could not have visited their families. After all, how
many orphaned police families can a politician visit individually.

Like the two Orissa policemen, many have met their death under
revoltingly identical situations. Revolting, not because they died in
the line of duty, but because of the recurrence of these incidents and
the ease with which the outlaws could ambush the uniformed personnel
deputed to protect people from those who trash the Constitution of
India and the rule of law.

The problem is enormous to say the least, even if one goes by the
sketch of home minister P Chidambaram. Last month, he had said that
ultra left-wing extremists (read Maoists and Naxals) have pockets of
influence in 20 of the 28 states and their area of operation spanned
223 districts. Facing the brunt of the menace were those deployed in
over 2,000 police stations.

When policemen themselves fear to go alone into these areas under the
sway of Naxal and Maoists, can one fault government employees --
teachers, revenue collectors and babus responsible for implementing
developmental schemes -- from going there unarmed and inviting the
outlaws to kidnap them for ransom and await the fate of Induwar if it
is unpaid? These areas have remained in the leeway side of the winds
of development. As a result, the people of these areas are pitiably
dependent on the benevolence of the Naxals and Maoists for their
existence and fall back on the might of the extremists for protection
from the exploiters.

The loosening grip of the administration in such areas had not escaped
the attention of the Supreme Court. It felt that a hardline armed
action could not bring about a solution to the problem, for one
recently heard a proposal for using Air Force planes for anti-naxal
operation. No one knows the success of such military action. And none
could guarantee that Naxals would not use innocent villagers as
shields.

A balanced approach -- development along with stern action against the
outlaws -- can possibly meet the exigencies of the situation. The apex
court in D K Basu Vs State of West Bengal [1997 (1) SCC 416] had
advocated a similar approach. It had said: "To deal with such
situation, a balanced approach is needed to meet the ends of justice.
This is all the more so, in view of the expectations of the society
that police must deal with the criminals in an efficient and effective
manner and bring to book those who are involved in the crime. The cure
cannot, however, be worse that the disease itself."

None other than the Prime Minister had said that Naxal and Maoist
menace was one of the worst dangers faced by India internally. If that
is so, then it's time for the winds of development to blow in the
remote forested areas of 20 states and 223 districts, even if it is to
be under the shadow of the gun wielding uniformed personnel.

***@timesgroup.com

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-19 06:53:40 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/ghandy-interrogation-raises-alert-on-naxal-areas-in-delhi/530429/

Ghandy interrogation raises alert on Naxal areas in Delhi
Neeraj Chauhan

Posted: Monday , Oct 19, 2009 at 0431 hrs
New Delhi:

During interrogation of top Maoist leader Kobad Ghandy, it has been
revealed that there are police station areas in Delhi which are Naxal-
affected — a possibility underlined last year by intelligence reports
which said there could be areas prone to “Maoist infiltration”.

According to highly placed sources in the Delhi Police, these Naxal-
affected areas like Swaroop Nagar and Alipur fall on the outskirts.
Naxalites have been staying in rented accommodations in these areas,
changing their addresses frequently.

Sources said there were three to four members of CPI(Maoist) looking
after operations in Delhi, with the unit being headed by one Delhi-
based person. “He (Ghandy) has met them but he is not disclosing their
names and anything more about them. He says he does not know anything
about the number of outfit members present in Delhi because he has
always interacted with the top leaders and he was into motivation and
planning work,” said a senior officer.

Officers said Ghandy has not revealed much during interrogation. “He
has not disclosed anything about his meetings with a student and two
Delhi-based businessman, whom he had been meeting regularly, in South
Extension, Bhikaji Cama Place, Badarpur and other areas. Also, he has
not taken their names. He says that he only knew their pseudonyms. One
of them is known as Ashok,” said a source.

Although Delhi Police have not been able to establish anything about
the Naxal plan of action in Delhi, officers maintain that apart from
treatment, Ghandy was here for some operation.

Ghandy was also getting money delivered at his Badarpur rented house
in South Delhi by somebody. “Whenever he needed money in 15 days or in
a month, he used to send a mail to the Politbureau and in a few days,
money was delivered to him,” said an officer.

The Special Cell questioned Ghandy, arrested on September 21, for 10
days before he was sent to Tihar on Friday.

Last year, the Delhi Police had reportedly identified 16 police
station areas as prone to “Maoist infiltration” based on intelligence
inputs, with 12 of these falling under Outer and North West police
district. But the Delhi Police did not confirm it. Delhi Police had
also planned an anti-Naxalite cell but dropped the idea as the Special
Cell is doing the job.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-19 12:30:34 UTC
Permalink
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jN6Lf9Vf9oY7xqXQSqZ3orseqR_Q

Indian Maoists vow 'tornado' uprising: report
(AFP) – 4 hours ago

NEW DELHI — The leader of India's Maoist rebels has vowed to unleash a
"tornado" of violence if the government goes ahead with a planned
large-scale offensive against his insurgent forces.

In an interview published in the latest edition of the weekly magazine
Open, Mupalla Laxman Rao, better known as Ganapathi, said any
offensive might secure some early gains but insisted final victory
would lay in the hands of the rebels.

"Although the enemy may achieve a few successes in the initial phase,
we shall certainly overcome and defeat the government offensive,"
Ganapathi said.

The interview was conducted at an undisclosed jungle location in
eastern India, part of a vast, Maoist-affected region known as the
"red corridor," which includes areas of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar
and West Bengal states, and runs south through Orissa, Maharashtra and
Andhra Pradesh.

These states and their police and paramilitary forces will be in the
frontline of the planned anti-rebel offensive, which is expected to
begin in November, with the involvement of hundreds of thousands of
security personnel.

Ganapathi, a 59-year-old former school teacher, said the operation
would provoke a mass response.

"People will rise up like a tornado under our party's leadership to
wipe out the reactionary blood-sucking vampires ruling our country,"
he said, branding Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Home Minister P.
Chidambaram "terrorists."

Singh has described the Maoist insurgency, which began as a peasant
uprising in 1967, as the single greatest threat to India's internal
security.

The Maoists say they are fighting for the rights of the rural poor and
local tribes, but officials accuse them of using intimidation and
extortion to collect money and to control impoverished villagers.

Copyright © 2009 AFP. All rights reserved.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-19 16:46:32 UTC
Permalink
http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?262337

For The Record
The Emerging Challenges To Civil Society

Full text of the Sixth Nani A. Palkhivala memorial lecture delivered
by the home minister on October 5, 2009 at Mumbai in which he also
spoke, inter alia, on Naxalism and terrorism
P. Chidambaram

I am honoured and deeply grateful for the invitation to deliver the
Sixth Nani Palkhivala Memorial Lecture. I do not know in what capacity
of mine the trustees thought that I was qualified to deliver the
lecture. Nani Palkhivala was a legal giant, a successful business
leader, a diplomat and a powerful advocate of noble causes. I am no
longer a practising lawyer, I have never tried my hand at business, I
have never been a diplomat, and I often find myself as a target of
advocates of noble causes. The last of course, is the occupational
hazard of being a minister. Nevertheless, I shall try to do justice to
the confidence reposed in me.

On the midnight of August 14-15, 1947, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru spoke
of India’s “tryst with destiny.” That has become the most commonly
used phrase in our social and political discourse. Whenever we dream
of the future or we speak of the challenges that we face from time to
time, we refer, in a matter of fact manner, to India’s tryst with
destiny. Did Jawaharlal Nehru believe in a destiny? By all accounts,
he was an agnostic and could not have believed in a pre-determined
destiny. I read the speech again and I think what he had in mind was a
destination rather than a destiny. In fact, it would be appropriate to
say that his emphasis was on the journey to the destination rather
than a fixed destination; and he was preparing the nation for the
challenges that we would face during that journey.

The starting point

On that day, or at about that time, India’s population stood at 320
million. 83 per cent of the people were illiterate. Life expectancy
was 32 years. There were few schools, fewer colleges and only a
handful of universities. The total number of students enrolled in
colleges and universities was 238,398. India had 54,916 kms. of
railway track and 400,000 kms of roads. The number of automobiles was
306,000. The country’s installed capacity of power was 1362 mw and it
generated 11.16 MUs a day. Only 1500 villages had electricity.
Practically, none of them had protected drinking water or sanitation.
A lesser man would have been overwhelmed by the challenges and a
government of lesser men and women would have crumbled under the
weight of poverty, disease and deprivation.

That did not happen. The journey since 1947 has been long and arduous;
yet we have overcome many of the challenges that faced India at that
time. Poverty still afflicts many millions of Indians, but many
millions have been lifted out of abject poverty. Diseases are
prevalent, but we have wiped out plague, kala-azar, elephantiasis and
small pox. The war against illiteracy has been long drawn out, but we
seem to be on the final battlefield now, with only 8 million children
out of school. The abiding lesson of the 62 year journey is that there
is no challenge that cannot be overcome, no goal that cannot be
achieved, and no system that cannot be reformed and made to deliver
better results.

Early in the journey we crossed a historic milestone when the people
of India gave to themselves a Constitution. The Constitution was and
remains – despite 94 amendments – a remarkable living document. While
there have been many milestones during our journey as a nation, I
cannot think of any other of more enduring value than the adoption of
the Constitution. Even as we crossed more milestones, we also stumbled
and fell on occasion. Two occasions come to mind immediately: the
first, the utter lack of preparedness, both at the policy and at the
practical levels, that led to the humiliation of the India-China war
in 1962 and, the second, the misguided adventure into amending the
Constitution in 1976. On both occasions, we were pulled back from the
brink by a band of patriotic men and women, too numerous to be
recalled here. Yet, two names stand out. One was Sam Manekshaw and the
other Nani Palkivala. It is a strange but delightful coincidence that
they shared a common faith and, in a sense, common ancestors. We are
gathered here to pay tribute to Nani Palkivala. My lecture is a humble
contribution; what is more important and heart-warming is the presence
of so many distinguished men and women from different walks of life.
If Dr. Ambedkar was the creator of the Constitution, Nani Palkivala
was its ultimate defender. The best tribute to him is to never forget
that the Constitution is the ultimate protector of our Republic and
our way of life.

The foremost challenge: The Idea of India

That Republic – and that way of life – faces many challenges today. In
my talk, this evening, I wish to focus on some of the emerging
challenges. Foremost among them is the challenge of the idea of India.
Does not each one of us have an idea of India? We do, and we draw that
idea from our own circumstances – birth, family, upbringing, education
and the like. That idea is also shaped by our experiences like success
and failure, joy and sorrow. It is also influenced by others such as
family members, friends, adversaries, colleagues and superiors.
Ultimately, each one of us forms an idea of India. In the case of most
people, the idea of India is vague, undefined and with barely visible
contours; yet with a little prodding, it is possible to draw out every
person to define his or her idea of India. Given the fact that we are
1.1 billion strong, it is not at all surprising that there is a
bewildering range of ideas that compete for the pride of place as the
idea of India. Thus, we have believers and apostates. We have
secularists and religious supremacists. We have democrats and those
who believe in armed liberation struggle. We have liberals,
conservatives and primitives. We have capitalists, conservatives, free
marketeers, social democrats, socialists, communists and Statists, and
many who fall between two shades of opinion. It is perhaps ambitious
or naïve to expect that we can fashion an idea of India that we can
all share. But, I am afraid, without such an idea of India, and
without a shared idea of India, it is not possible to build a modern
and strong India. However many and deep-rooted our differences may be,
it is imperative that we identify common strands that will bind us
together as one nation and one people.

Why is it important to share a common idea of India? Because, without
a shared view, it is not possible to advance any of the noble
principles enshrined in the Constitution. Let me take one example:
equality. It is enshrined in the Preamble which speaks of equality of
status and of opportunity. Equality finds a mention in Article 14 and
in many other Articles. It is also implicit in many Articles. Of all
the pillars that hold up the democratic system, I cannot think of
anything more important than equality of status and of opportunity.
Yet, to my dismay, our social, economic and political systems continue
to deny equality of status and of opportunity to millions of our
fellow citizens. Any attempt to correct this distortion is met with
stiff resistance. What is reservation in educational institutions and
jobs if not an instrument to correct the historical denial of
opportunity to many sections of the people, especially Dalits,
scheduled tribes and the backward classes? Reservation may be a blunt
instrument, but no one has suggested anything better. When we found
that reservation had an unintended consequence of limiting the
opportunities for meritorious students and decided to expand the
capacity of our institutions manifold, even that was opposed on the
dubious ground of dilution of the so-called excellence of our
institutions. Reservation in jobs is opposed on the ground that it is
antithetical to merit. This is a fallacious argument. How can merit
among vast sections of first generation job seekers be discovered if
they are denied the opportunity of holding jobs? Reservation for women
in elected bodies is opposed. Special provisions for Dalits, scheduled
tribes and minorities are opposed. The result is that we remain an
unequal and divided society. It is the persistence of historical
inequalities that have led to so much conflict and tension in our
society.

One of the emerging challenges that we will face in the 21st century
will be the challenge of keeping nearly 1.5 billion people as one
nation. Equality of status and of opportunity alone can bridge the
many divisions in our society. My idea of India is that India must be
an inclusive nation; India must celebrate its diversity; and all
Indians must be encouraged to develop an Indian identity even while
each Indian is free to be proud of his or her language or religion. My
idea of India is an India where we make a conscious effort to make our
society more equal and more united. It will not be easy. It will mean
that those who have enormous wealth must be willing to share with
others who have little or nothing. It will mean that those who have
large incomes must be willing to pay more taxes. It will mean that we
frown upon ostentation and vulgar display of wealth and endorse
austerity and simplicity. It will mean that we amend the rules to
accommodate more Dalits, scheduled tribes and minorities. It will mean
that we consciously forsake any claim to a religion or language or
caste being superior to any other. It will mean that each one of us
has to give more before we ask for more. Please reflect on what I have
said. Despite what your first impressions may tell you, the challenge
of the idea of India is actually more acute and formidable.

The challenge of inclusive growth

The second challenge is the challenge of inclusive growth. One would
have thought that, in a poor country, the imperative of inclusive
growth is a self-evident truth. Alas, it is not. Although the 1980s
witnessed an average growth rate of 5.5 per cent, the first real
trigger to high growth was the reform and liberalisation programme
that was launched in 1991. In the early years of reform, as expected,
the annual growth rate was uneven. This was due to the structural
constraints in the economy. As these structural constraints were
eased, growth picked up. For example, the repeal of Sections 20 to 30G
of Chapter III of the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act
encouraged companies to scale up their operations and to leverage the
strengths of group companies. The repeal of the Foreign Exchange
(Regulation) Act and its replacement by the Foreign Exchange
(Management) Act contributed to increased inflows of foreign exchange.
The decriminalisation of violations of export-import regulations gave
an impetus to foreign trade. However, not all structural constraints
have been removed yet. The worst thing that we can do is to bask in
the glory of 9 per cent growth during a 4-year period and go back to
lazy reforms. As the second fastest growing large economy in the
world, this is our opportunity to press the accelerator on reforms –
especially in foreign direct investment, mining and exploration,
education and the financial sector.

In the post-1991 period, we saw that greater economic activity
generated more investment, more jobs, better incomes, more savings,
the last leading to more investment and thus completing the virtuous
cycle. However, greater economic activity took within its embrace only
those who had the means and the opportunity to participate in the
freer market. Millions, however, remained outside the market economy,
and do so even today. Among them are landless peasants whose labour is
often under-priced. There are small farmers who have little or no
surplus produce and hence cannot benefit from higher prices for
agricultural products. There are artisans like potters and cobblers,
blacksmiths and goldsmiths, and weavers, whose products are replaced
by the products of organised industry. And, finally, there are the
millions who live on the margins of society such as forest-dwellers,
the disabled and the destitute. Besides, a free and fiercely
competitive market may drive many people to the margins and beyond. As
there are success stories in the era of liberalisation, there are as
many failures too.

At the turn of the century India was poised for high growth. Crucial
decisions that promoted greater investment, higher productivity and
carefully targeted social expenditure took the Indian economy to a new
plane of growth beginning 2004. A higher rate of growth is, however,
not a panacea. Growth does not automatically trickle down to those at
the bottom of the pyramid. It is necessary to modulate the growth
process so that the very poor can be a part of the process rather than
wait for a pot of rice at the end of the process. That is the
compelling argument in favour of inclusive growth.

While we may have understood the need to promote inclusive growth, I
wonder whether we have fully understood the obligations that go with
it. Inclusive growth, especially in a country where the number of poor
runs into millions, means that we must subsidise food, even if the
pundits disagree. The alternative is that many poor people will go
without food, especially cereals, and many more millions will be
malnourished. We must subsidise fuel, especially fuel for transport.
Otherwise, millions of people cannot travel even by public transport
and their ability to participate in the market economy will be
severely constrained. Inclusive growth will entail many such
obligations and call upon the government to take many unorthodox
measures. Last year we wrote off the loans of farmers to the tune of
Rs.65,000 crore. It was resisted, initially, by the bankers. It was
severely criticised by the economists. It was lambasted by the
opposition as a populist and vote-catching measure. Few among them
paused to ask the question how many crores of rupees of non-performing
loans were written off for big industries. Let me give you the answer.
Between 1999 and 2004 alone, banks wrote off Rs.47,123 crore that had
been given to industries. It benefited a few hundred industrialists
and maybe a few thousand jobs too were saved. On the other hand, the
much criticised loan waiver scheme benefited 36.8 million farmer
families and lifted a huge burden off their shoulders. It turned out
to b e a prescient move for, within a year of the write-off, India
faces a 23 per cent deficiency in rainfall. Mercifully, many farmers
do not have any accumulated debt. Orthodoxy has no place if it is our
intention to promote inclusive growth. For example, in an economic
downturn, conventional wisdom will urge business persons to lay off or
retrench workers. An unconventional business person would use the
downturn to freeze wages, retrain the workers, cut back costs, improve
efficiency and productivity, and remain prepared when the upturn
begins. I know of a software company that did not layoff or retrench
anyone but actually hired 2800 new workers during the critical 18
months beginning April 2008. Public Sector Banks also hired many
thousands of people during this period.

Inclusive growth will also mean that the government must have more
resources to promote such growth. That means – and when I say this I
know it will make me unpopular in this audience – given the capacity
to pay, people must pay more by way of taxes. After five years of high
growth and after fine tuning the tax laws and tax rates, we were able
to raise the central taxes: GDP ratio from 9.2 per cent in 2003-04 to
12.6 per cent in 2007-08. If we take both central and state taxes, the
ratio rose from 15.0 per cent to 18.9 per cent. That might appear to
be a dramatic jump, but it is not. In most developed countries, the
tax-GDP ratio falls between 30 per cent and 40 per cent. Who pays more
taxes? More income tax is paid only if one has more income, and even
after paying more tax he or she will retain 70 paise in the rupee.
More excise or customs duties are paid only by those who consume more
goods and services. So, why grumble?

Inclusive growth will also mean that no one should ask for a
disproportionately large share of the pie and, if he or she does, he
or she must pay more for that share. In Delhi, in what is known as the
Lutyens zone, the per capita availability of water is 310 litres per
day, whereas in the resettlement colony it is 200 litres per day, but
even that is a questionable estimate. In the same Lutyens zone, the
per capita consumption of electricity is 500 units per month, whereas
for all of Delhi the per capita consumption is 150 units per month.
What is wrong therefore in asking those who have a larger share of the
pie to acknowledge that it is disproportionate and to either consume
less or pay more for their consumption?

As the economy steams ahead in full throttle and high growth rates
become a regular feature, the demand for inclusive growth will become
louder and more insistent. As a nation, we must be prepared to respond
to the legitimate and anguished cry of the very poor and disadvantaged
sections of the people. Hence, we must make larger allocations for
education and health care; for rural infrastructure such as rural
roads; for drinking water and sanitation; for subsidies on food and
fuel; and for cash support to certain sections of the people such as
the aged and the disabled. Inclusive growth is a not-so-glamorous
process that has the average poor person at the centre of all
policies, but that is what we will need for the next 40 years or so if
we are to win and retain support for economic reforms and
liberalisation.

The challenge of internal security

The next and perhaps the most formidable challenge is the challenge of
internal security. Over the years, old problems have festered and new
problems have erupted. The challenge of internal security has two
dimensions. The first is the state of our police system. That system
is completely outdated and our police forces are ill-trained, ill-
equipped and ill-paid. Adding to these woes are the short-sighted
policies followed by governments with the objectives of control and
patronage. Let us take the average constable. He is perhaps the most
used, misused and abused person ever to wear a uniform. He works, on
an average, 12 – 14 hours a day; generally 7 days a week, and
throughout the year. Since he is drawn from the common stock of
people, his behaviour and attitude reflect that stock: only a feeble
attempt is made to improve his behaviour or change his attitude. When
he travels from his home (in 80 per cent of the cases, it is not
official accommodation) to the police station and back to his home, he
transits from one cultural milieu to another. At the end of the day,
he brings the culture of his home and neighbourhood to his work place.
He is perhaps the most reviled public servant in India. From a
violator of traffic laws to a rich man whose family member has run
over several hapless persons sleeping on the pavement, everyone
assumes that the average policeman can be cajoled, bribed, bought
over, threatened or bullied into submission. The people’s estimate of
the average policeman is low; the self-esteem of the average policeman
is even lower. It is this police force that is our frontline force to
provide internal security and it is this police force that we have to
work with. Nevertheless, it is this police force that rises to great
heights in a time of crisis. How many of you still remember Thukaram
Ombale who grabbed the barrel of the gun and took the bullets on his
chest in order to help his fellow policemen overpower Ajmal Amir
Kasab? In the first eight months of this year alone 320 men and women
belonging to the security forces have laid down their lives in the
course of discharging their duties. Let us spare a thought and a
prayer for these brave-hearts and their sorrowing families.

If the state of our police system is one dismal dimension, the other
dimension is that the challenges to internal security continue to grow
at a steady pace. Firstly, there is the challenge of insurgency in the
North Eastern States. It is out of abundant goodwill for, and faith
in, the numerous tribes in the North Eastern States that we carved out
six States and gave the people Statehood. We recognised the regional
aspirations of the people. We went a step further and recognised that
different tribes living within a State also have aspirations for self-
government. Thus, special provisions were made in the Constitution for
customary law and procedure; administration of civil and criminal
justice according to customary law; ownership and transfer of land and
resources; delimitation and reservation of constituencies; and
autonomous district councils and regional councils. Nevertheless,
insurgent movements have entrenched themselves, particularly in the
States of Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. Thanks to India having an
international boundary with Bangladesh and Myanmar, many leaders of
the insurgent groups hide in sanctuaries in these countries. The
number of cadres in most groups is quite small. A few, however,
continue to recruit new cadres and their ranks have swelled. These
groups are able to acquire arms from abroad and bring them via Myanmar
and Bangladesh. They indulge in extortion and kidnapping; they kill
alleged police informers; they kill each other in inter-insurgent
group clashes; and not all of them have formally given up the demand
for an independent and sovereign nation. In recent years, Government
has been able to persuade many groups to sign a Suspension of
Operations (SoO) agreement but, more often than not, this has only
provided the group a cover for continuing clandestine recruitment and
acquisition of arms. More recently, Government has changed tack.
Government has made it clear that there will be no SoO agreement with
any group unless it drops the demand for secession and abjures
violence. Government has also offered to talk to any insurgent group
that will abjure violence, lay down arms and move its cadres into
designated camps. The first big success of the new approach is the
agreement reached between the DHD(J) group and the Government of Assam
three days ago when 370 cadres surrendered their arms.

It is my sincere wish that more groups will follow the example of the
DHD(J). I am glad to note that the Naga groups, after many years of
ceasefire, have signalled a willingness to hold talks. Government is
preparing for these talks which I hope will lead to an honourable and
equitable settlement. Meanwhile, the security forces will continue to
apply intense pressure on the leaders and cadres of defiant insurgent
groups until they give up secession and violence. We could achieve
better results if the hiding places of their leaders in Myanmar and
Bangladesh are exposed and they are forced to return to India.

Naxalism

The other dangerous source of threat to internal security is an
adversary that first reared its head in the 1960s in a non-descript
village called Naxalbari in West Bengal. That movement attracted a
number of genuine ideologues, including some who even merited the
description of intellectual. The rise and fall of the Naxalbari
movement were rapid; ultimately, it found a solid base only in Andhra
Pradesh. However, in the last 10 years, the Naxalite movement has
grown both in its area of influence and its capacity for violent
actions. It is a sad fact that some sections of civil society continue
to romanticise the left wing extremist movement. It is seen as a
friend and defender of the poor. It is seen as incorruptible and
motivated by the highest ideals of service. It is seen as a bulwark
against capitalism and neo-colonialism. There may be some truth in
these perceptions, but the few grains of truth must be seen in
proportion to the mountain of deceit, violence and exploitation.

The Naxalites – or the CPI (Maoist) as they call themselves – make no
secret of their political goals and methods. In an extraordinarily
frank document issued by the politburo of the CPI (Maoist), they have
made it clear that they regard elections as ‘a meaningless,
irrelevant, pseudo-democratic exercise.’ They have declared that their
goal is ‘seizure of political power and establishment of base areas’
and their method will be ‘expanding our guerrilla war to new areas on
the one hand and intensifying the mass resistance in the existing
areas; to intensify the war in the States; and expand the area of
struggle.’ The document holds out the ominous warning that ‘this time
the fight will be more long drawn and more bitter than the one against
the British imperialist army.’

Kobad Ghandy, a member of the politburo, who was arrested a few weeks
ago, has stated on record that the Naxalites will never participate in
the mainstream of politics. How can a country that is democratic and
republic accept these pronouncements? The Government of India and the
Governments of the States are not colonial governments; they are
governments elected by the people. The only way in which an elected
government can be deposed is through the ballot box. If the CPI
(Maoist) has, as it claims, the support of the people, why does it not
contest elections and win the right to form the government? In
neighbouring Nepal, for instance, the CPN (Maoist) contested the
elections and its leader, Mr Prachanda, held the office of Prime
Minister for some months. If the Naxalites accuse the elected
governments of capitalism, land grabbing, exploiting and displacing
the tribal people, denying rights of forest-dwellers etc., what
prevents them from winning power through elections and reversing
current policies and putting in place policies that they think will
benefit the people? We have not heard a logical answer to these
questions – not from the Naxalites, not from left-leaning
intellectuals, and certainly not from the human rights groups that
plead the Naxalite cause ignoring the violence unleashed by the
Naxalites on innocent men, women and children. Why are the human
rights groups silent?

The Naxalites’ claim that they are pro-development is a hollow claim.
In 2009 alone, they have caused 183 violent attacks on economic
targets including railway tracks, telephone towers, power plants,
mines, school buildings and panchayat bhavans. How do these facts
square with the claim that the Naxalites support development? In fact,
there is irrefutable evidence that the Naxalites are anti-development
and, in order to sustain their misguided movement, they keep
development away from the poor people, especially the tribal people.

Government has made it clear that it does not view the confrontation
with the Naxalites as a war against the Naxalites. The Naxalite
leaders and cadres are Indian citizens. The poor tribals and non-
tribals they mislead are also Indian citizens. No government of a
civilized country will wage war against its own people. What we ask is
that the Naxalites should abjure violence. If they represent the poor
or the tribal people of a State, certainly the Government of that
State would be willing to talk to them on their demands, listen to
their genuine grievances, include them in the process of redressing
the grievances, implement development schemes in the backward and
neglected areas, and bring the poor and the tribal people into the
process of inclusive growth. I hope that this statement will be read
by the leaders of the Naxalite movement and by their supporters. I
also hope that leaders of civil society will prevail upon the
Naxalites to abjure violence and take the road of democracy and
dialogue.

Terrorism

Another source of threat to internal security is terrorism – from
cross border terrorist groups as well as terrorist cells and modules
based in India. India has been a victim of terrorism for many years –
long before 9/11 when the world woke up to the spectre of global
terror. Hundreds of families in India have felt the pain of terror.
Last year, this vibrant city was witness to the most horrific terror
attacks. 166 persons were killed on those four fateful days. All
countries in the world have declared zero tolerance to terror. So has
India. Every day, every week and every month we are adding to our
capacity to deal with terror. But there is a not-often-noticed
significant flaw in our approach to terror. While there is no
ambiguity or doubt in anyone’s mind when it comes to cross border
terrorism, when we apprehend home grown boys who are suspected to have
committed terrorist acts, to my great dismay, I find that civil
society is divided into two camps. On the one hand, there are people
who will pronounce them guilty even before a trial and, on the other
hand, there are people who will spring to their defence even before
the investigation is completed. Both are wrong. Both take apparently
righteous positions even without knowing the facts. It is these
fundamentalist and righteous attitudes that come in the way of
fighting terrorism. Terrorism cannot be fought through pre-judgements.
It can be fought only through better intelligence, better
investigation, better policing, better prosecution and better trials
in courts. There is a civilised way to battle terrorism and I am
convinced that the civilised way will eventually overcome terrorism.

Conclusion

62 years after the journey began, India is a stronger and more
prosperous nation, but it is not yet a nation that has found peace and
harmony. Nor is it yet a fair and just society. India is not unique in
this respect and, therefore, there is no need to shrink in
mortification. Every challenge tests the will and determination of the
people. The US emerged stronger from a civil war. Winston Churchill
led the British people in the defence of their island against a
powerful enemy and vowed “we shall never surrender.” Japan rose from
the ashes to become a world economic power. Belying all predictions,
the Wall was brought down and Germany was united. The peaceful rise of
China is liberating millions of people from poverty. India is no
stranger to the “can do” spirit; it was best exemplified by the life
and work of Mahatma Gandhi who said “Be the change that you want to
see.” Our challenges – formidable as they are – can be overcome. We
can forge a united vision of India. We can succeed in our unique model
of inclusive growth. We can vanquish the forces that threaten our
internal security. That is my belief, and I ask you to share my
optimism and belief.

Oct 18, 2009 12:18 PM
47 Has Mr. Chidambaram's ministry taken into account the 2008 Experts'
Group report to the Planning commission on 'Development Challenges in
Extremist affected Areas' which makes a cogent analysis of the issues
relating to the Maoists and terrorism and makes sensible
recommendations short of the tactics his ministry is currently seeking
to adopt? Why the silence on this important report and the simplistic,
bifocal and self-serving rhetoric on those who berate the terrorists
as anti-nationals and those who allegedly support the terrorists on
the ground of human rights. The Experts' Group report makes an
illuminating discussion of the issues involved here and makes useful
suggestions. Mr. Chidambaram should read this report carefully before
making rhetorical statements of the kind he is making in this speech.
He should call the Experts' Group for a serious discussion in the MHA.
His attention is also drawn to my article 'Violence against Violence
Cannot Work' published recently at www.infochangeindia.org.This
article is based on my five year experience as Director of the
Research and Policy Division of the Union Home Ministry (1980-85),
which alas, is no more!
K.S.Subramanian
Delhi, India

Oct 18, 2009 02:03 AM
46 We do not have the benefit that Europeans had, to mine other
nations, wipe out civilizations and get away with it. We are not China
either. May be it's appropriate to hand over the central indian
forests for the tribals to govern. These tribals will be the last ones
to support anti-indian activities if their grievances are met. The
Naxals have hijacked their misery and most of their recruits and fire-
brand supporters are not even tribals. People can see through this
treachery.
vikram chandra
Visakhapatnam, India

Oct 18, 2009 01:54 AM
45 At least we have not reached the stage of US where one party is on
the far right and other is on the loony fringe. We still have multi-
party system despite pleas for two-party presidential Banana republic
form of govt.
JayKay Chraborty
Kolkatta, India

Oct 18, 2009 01:51 AM
44 "Just because so called 'centerist' section of our polity lies far
into right does not mean a simple understanding and exposition of
existing reality makes one a radical."

This is true. Neo-liberals world over are not centriest but on the
right of the center as proven by Tony Blair and our own US educated
Politicians and Bureaucrats.
JayKay Chraborty
Kolkatta, India

Oct 18, 2009 01:47 AM
43 "You are right. American states do not have a choice, except Puerto
Rico which has not yet decided whether to be a state or opt for
independence. "

American states do have choice in their constitution and they break
away from union if they fulfill the condition. So had the states in
Soviet Union. Eventually when Kremlin became weak the states broke
away by voting by 2/3rd majority in their state assemblies.
JayKay Chraborty
Kolkatta, India

Oct 18, 2009 01:15 AM
42 Frankly, visionary leaders are not strictly required for a well-
governed state- what's needed is justice- the creation and enforcement
of just laws. Herien lies the problem.
India has just laws but they're rarely if ever enforced, and when they
are, justice itself becomes the first victim and injustice reigns
supreme across the land.
The Communists may have created the Naxal insurgency but they didn't
create the dark oppression conditions under which many millions were
and still are, forced to live.
The villain in all this is Govt or lack thereof- its criminal neglect
and perverse indifference by an uncaring govt to the plight of its
marginalized, oppressed masses which is directly responsible for this
terrible state of affairs.
There's no magic bullet for fixing it nor, sadly, is there any govt in
sight with the wherewithal to do so.
Bodh
Springfield, United States

Oct 18, 2009 01:00 AM
41 senthamarai

why dont you fight for a state with dalits and some other minorities.
the upper class elite can be forced out to some other area.

i support independence for kashmiri muslims- the earlier the better.
perhaps some hindu states should
get the same feedom.

i think that the indian union is not based on a common
vision. it is a union between disparate and unequal
communities, and it does not work, and its unlikely it will in the
furure.

separation of communities will end mutual accusations-
look after your selves and dont bug us, should be the motto.

why are some people such hypocrites- muslims are the most bigoted
people and their spokespersons talk of secularism and liberalism. it
is an outrageous lie.

if they are so unhappy why dont they form small independent states,
and have just an association with
the indian union. some could just opt out. india is
a huge country, and this could be a part of a process,
its no crime. denmark has said goodbye to greenland and iceland- no
bitterness or ill feelings.

personally i feel that bengal should join up with bangladesh and quit
the union. their strange procommie
mindset is incompatible with a stuggleing large
unmanageanle nation.

the bongos in this forum have some amazeing views.
they are a disaster for the poor indian union.
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 18, 2009 12:37 AM
40 There needs to be a visionary and statesman-like leadership to
counter the Naxal menace. Everyone knows that they are cold-blooded
murderers, but still they get some support due to wrong policies in
the mineral-rich states of Bihar, Chattisgarh, Jharkhand, West Bengal,
Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh. The tribal and other backward zones in
these regions do not realize the fruits of industrialization. They
must be given a say in the change that is happening and effective
policies need to be put in place to ensure their grievances are met.
These mining areas have been over-populated in recent times, from what
used to be forests, and that needs to be checked too. Most of these
tribals who support left-wing extremism, have been living in the
forests for centuries and see the industry people as aliens. They need
to given access to more schools, colleges and infrastructure in
general.
vikram chandra
Visakhapatnam, India

Oct 18, 2009 12:19 AM
39 Mr. Chidambaram is true that Indian police force is outdated and
needs to be provided with a different model to follow. The average
policeman mostly bears a resemblance to the cultural milieu he
represents, and this is why you need to increase the officer cadre
intake and pay them better wages. The policeman in India mans a
corrupt citizenry and it is a very difficult job. They must be trained
to be tough with the law-breaking people and tougher with their
subordinates. It is the only way to build a disciplined and committed
force. Most of the guys who get promoted to higher ranks do so at the
behest of honest officers, through political patronage. It's time the
umbilical cord of police-politician is cut off.
vikram chandra
Visakhapatnam, India

Oct 18, 2009 12:13 AM
38 Gayatri Devi,
I do not have to answer your bogey man questions that you use to duck
your immoral support to Indian occupation, killing and racist violence
against vulnerable and minorities across South Asia. Concede that your
support and actions to Indian state are fascist, racist, illiberal and
undemocractic by nature. Then we can try to see truth/merit in your
counter questions that you are using to justify your brahminical
violence on others through Indian state apparatus.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 18, 2009 12:03 AM
37 Anwaar,

>> But they are now gravitating to a union.

Yes, That is what I am trying to tell you. Only when union is
voluntary and the consitutents feel reasonably secure and confidant in
their own confines, they can deal with 'others' as equals.

>> Affirmation of one's culture does not necessitate separation

Yes, but decision lies with the individual participation not with
super-elitist oligarchy or tyrannical majority

>> especially if the dominant culture is sensitive to the needs and aspirations of other ethnicities.

Not enough justification for majority to demand sub-ordination from a
minority who has distinct geographic/cultural setup (unlike urdu
muslims of India who spread all across the country). They natural and
inalienable right to SELF-DETERMINATION and complete sovereignty.
But what you are saying is very true for urdu muslims and hindus for
their co-existence in our country since world has not experimented
with division of vertical sovereignty.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 17, 2009 11:59 PM
36 seanthamarai

what are the plans of dalits to form a purely dalit state, or one with
some muslims etc.

it is a great idea- this will solve the problems of dalit
dissatisfaction, and the others will build
societies based on merit and not fraudulent reservations.

it will prove to dalits that they have to work hard,
step by step, and not expect hand outs.

high class hindus live perfectly happyily in the west,
without the need to exploit anyone.

they will manage quite well in a society without dalits, obc,s or
muslims´. all three hate the higher castes, and this mean a blessing
for them to be on
their own.
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 17, 2009 11:48 PM
35 happy ram

you hit the nail on the head.

christians like you are an asset for india- you are
an indian christian. most muslims are muslims, and
unfortunately for them just muddy coloured indians
by residence. in their giddy dreams they are afghans
or arabs.

it is note worthy that some of the pakistani,s who hated india most
were

zia ul haq, musharaff, and a.q,khan.

the last one produced the atom weapons to target india,
where he was born.

india is predominantly hindu. what is wrong if christians and muslims
were to celebrate devali, or holi- they can be regarded as national
festivals,
without a religious dimension.

hindus liveing abroad celebrate christmas- i celebrate
this festival, and its great fun.

faruki wants hindus and other minorities to respect the culture and
traditions of islam- however most muslims 99 percent have no respect
for the dominant hindu culture, and will not even pretend to do so.

the same happens in europe- muslims live apart, and
shun the danes. they expect unemployment benefits, free education,
free health but do not even
pretend to be thankful to denmark. the question of
celebrateing christmas, easter would strike them as completely
repellant.

majority cultures are entitled a special position in every country.
muslims can not enter these countries,
and demand that the others to be sensitive to them.

it is appropriate and reasoneable that muslims, and
hindus for that matter respect the majority culture.

this does not happen- the huge demands of muslims can
not be met, and just lead to social problems, and
finally to racism.

racism which had disappeared is now comeing back to
europe after the influx of muslims., no one else ie
tamils, chinese, vietnamese are in the news. they
learn danish, accept danish customs, and their own
religion and culture is just confined to a area in
their own homes.
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 17, 2009 11:20 PM
34 "especially if the dominant culture is sensitive to the needs and
aspirations of other ethnicities"

Oh my God still want more ? Bhai Khud bhi kar lo kutch apney liye .

See we the Christians .We are prospering inspite of right wingers but
are not begging.We plan our families and follow the National uniform
civil code.We educate our childern .We don't produce dozens and ask
others to provide for them.

We believe in giving the Nation not asking what it gives us.What are
you doing for India ??
happy ram ambalvi
Ambala Cantt, India

Oct 17, 2009 10:57 PM
33 >> European history shows that smaller states based on nation-
states which satisfies people's aspiration ....

But they are now gravitating to a union. Affirmation of one's culture
does not necessitate separation, especially if the dominant culture is
sensitive to the needs and aspirations of other ethnicities.
Anwaar
Dallas, United States

Oct 17, 2009 10:25 PM
32 >> It is pure speculation to think that a balkanized India would be
better off than a "gargantuan" India

Applies other way around too! But European history shows that smaller
states based on nation-states which satisfies people's aspiration
concept rather than imperial austrian, german, soviet, polish large
empires does stabilize the region and has resulted in enhanced freedom
for common people.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 17, 2009 10:16 PM
31 Anwaar,
I am all for India which is truly liberal. But not the one which guns
down people asking for secession. If I still support Indian state then
I will be complicit to these daylight mass murders. Secondly, people
should do what they want to do with their lives, not Anwaars and
senthamarais want to do to their lives. Simpky, I would not like to
balkanise India, but that is not in my hands alone to decide, others
have to willingly participate in this enterprise but not by force.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 17, 2009 01:02 PM
30 Post-Godhra carnage unparalleled in modern history: Gujarat HC
(TOI)

AHMEDABAD: Gujarat high court, in a ruling on a bail plea, has termed
the 2002 post-Godhra riots as a carnage "almost unparalleled in modern
history" and observed that such crimes undermine the very foundation
of rule of law.

Recently, while rejecting a bail plea of an accused in the Naroda
Patia case, Justice Abhilasha Kumari observed that the massacre can't
be compared to any ordinary case, as its effect on the people cannot
be overlooked. "In fact, this is a case of wanton, mass carnage almost
unparalleled in modern history. Such offences invariably have a
negative impact upon the larger interest of public and the state, and
undermine the very foundation upon which the edifice of rule of law is
built," the judge said in the order, refusing bail to Subhashchandra
Darji.

Darji was working at the central workshop of the Gujarat State Road
Transport Corporation near Naroda Patia and was found throwing burning
rags on Hussain Nagar chawl, where 58 people were killed. Till date,
the SC and NHRC have said a lot condemning the mass killings that took
place in the aftermath of the Godhra carnage on February 27, 2002.

Of late with petitions flooding the HC after the Special Investigating
Team got into action and trial in nine major cases began, high court
judges also have made observations on riots.

In March this year while cancelling former Gujarat minister Maya
Kodnani's anticipatory bail in the Naroda Patia and Naroda Gam
killings, Justice D H Waghela observed that those who played a role in
rudely disrupting the lives of millions eking out their living in
harmony in a progressive, secular democratic republic of India must be
brought to book. He quoted the SC in denouncing riots and wrote,
"Religious fanatics really don't belong to any religion. They are no
better than terrorists who kill innocent people for no rhyme or
reason." At least 126 people were killed in Naroda.
Anwaar
Dallas, United States

Oct 17, 2009 12:29 PM
29 Senthamarai,

It is pure speculation to think that a balkanized India would be
better off than a "gargantuan" India. The energies and the bloodshed
that could be expended in carrying out separatist struggles, whether
of the Assamese, Elam or Kashmiris, could be better spent in the
affirmation of our diversity within an integrated Inia. But I realize
that your convictions are deeply held, so I shall not prolong this
discussion any further.
Anwaar
Dallas, United States

Oct 17, 2009 12:28 PM
28 Anwaar, I can understand the elevated feeling of insecurity of
Indian muslims over a possible secession of kashmir and resulting
violence against them in other parts of country. But if you join hands
with fascist state in their killings to save your skin today, there is
no guarantee that they will not come for you tomorrow and you would
have antagonised every possible supporters by then. We have come a
long way to keep invoking fear of partition ghosts to douse
aspirations of others.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 17, 2009 11:01 AM
27 Anwaar,

>> divided three different ways. It is not as straight forward as you make it sound

I did not make it sound anyways. All I am saying is Kashmiris should
have their fundamental right to SELF-DETERMINATION (to exactly find
out what kashmiris think). I am absolutely right in my assumption that
the only major erring party in this saga is India since it explicitly
denies such a freedom and suppress the populace with 1:5 military men
stationed there. So for practical purpose, it is safer to assume
kashmiris want independence from India yoke until the brahminical-
fascist Indian state agrees for such a referendum. On the contrary, by
claiming a secure and intimate knowledge of three differing opinions,
you are the one who sound to be in the know.

>> A large portion of Indian Kashmir is Jammu

There is NO jammu in India occupied Kashmir. Jammu is not even on the
table, though it could be an part of the agreed solution if jammuites
agree and demand so.

>> That is a bizarre scenario

Unfortunately for you, status quo of muslims, tamils, SCs, STs and
minorities getting killed in thousands with purpose of maintaining the
current power configuration of gargantuan Indian state does not sound
bizarre.

If you fail to recognise this then consider Saddam's iraq, taliban's
afghan, apartheid South Africa, North Korea, Sudan etc.., are/were in
this bizarre group. Why should an hypothetical genociding gujarat be
any different.

If I may put it in other words, let us assume we continue the status
quo and still guju muslims get slaughtered, will it convince you on
the nature and futility of Indian state?

If yes, then you are big time hypocrite, since all you care is about
is Indian muslims safety and everything else can be sacrificed.

If no, then you have no position to argue since you support the
killing one way or the other.

Reasons for contradictions in your approach are two fold,

1) Your wanton search in any problem to find out what is in for Indian
muslims' narrowly defined self-interest.

2) Your seeming lack of faith in simple and natural justice.

>> Your views are very radical. You and I are in different parts of the political spectrum.

As I said, my views are not radical. My views are result of an
unbiased reading of contemporary history. Just because so called
'centerist' section of our polity lies far into right does not mean a
simple understanding and exposition of existing reality makes one a
radical. Real yester-era radicals will have heart attack to associate
themselves with likes of me.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 17, 2009 10:45 AM
26 The ' Polscape ' column of this magazine brings it out very well,
in which Dr M M Singh, our Prime-minister is depicted reading a fairy
tale.

Fairy Tales : And the evil naxals ate up all your food which was kept
in our safe custody for the last 62 years !
B Prabhu
Mangalore, India

Oct 17, 2009 07:32 AM
25 I congratulate Mr. Chidambaram on his masterly speech. It does the
people of India proud. He has very ably described the trials and
tribulations of the people as well as their achievements of the past
sixty years. We must credit him for the clear and honest way he has
described the challenges awaiting the people and the nation,
importantly the Naxalite militancy and cross-border terrorism.

His foremost concern seems to be the lack of a “common idea of India”.
I genuinely share that concern with him, but I must say that the post-
independence political system and climate are the ones to blame for
that situation. Traditionally and historically, Indians have enjoyed a
common concept of India, based on their values, faith and culture, in
spite of the foreign invaders and occupiers. The proliferation of
political parties and politicians based on self-serving family
loyalties, religion and caste has divided the nation and society to
such an extent that the unifying concept of India has been swept aside
by parochialism and selfishness. The negativism in the utterances of
most politicians does no good to develop unity. Additionally, the
injection of socialism as a national philosophy and entitlement as a
right has encouraged the people to become dependent on the government
and discard the values of being responsible and productive members of
the society. The politicians have flourished by making attractive but
deceptive promises to the gullible and uneducated electorate and have
spent very little time presenting a realistic vision of India to work
toward. That is certainly not the way to transform a poor economy into
a prosperous one. As much as his socialism was wrong for India, Nehru
at least had developed a vision that he successfully articulated to
the people. There has been no other politician since then who could be
associated with a “common idea of India”.

The image of India filled with vengeful and querulous politicians
owing their existence to hundreds of political parties (‘gangs’ is a
more appropriate description) is a picture of a weak fabric that could
not carry much weight. This situation of disunity is exploited by anti-
social entities like the Naxalites which hold sway in underdeveloped
and undeveloped communities and resort to violence for their own ends.
The current leadership doesn’t present a counteracting unifying
political force that would be respected and followed across the
nation. In its absence, only an economic force can be relied upon to
drive and accelerate the need to unite as a nation. We see such a
trend happening already, thanks to the liberalization of the economy
initiated by Manmohan Singh and Chidambaram twenty years ago. A
vibrant economy with heavy interstate commerce has a great chance to
bring together people of different states, both physically and
mentally. Parochialism will be the first victim.

Liberalization has resulted in opening the floodgates of
entrepreneurship among Indians, a trait that has obviously been
dormant all along. Industry and commerce have flourished and the
potential for continued expansion is indeed promising. The government
can do its part by encouraging the private sector to expand in a
number of directions and divest many of the public sector
undertakings. The government should also accelerate the connectivity
among the cities and also between the cities and the villages. The
common idea of India will then be validated by a free land integrated
by its connecting infrastructure and commerce which will facilitate
people from different parts of the country to intermingle and
rediscover their common culture and heritage.

A firm fabric of inter-dependant states driven by a closely knit
economy is bound to increase the power and self-confidence of the
people who will then reject the de-stabilizing insurgents like the
Naxalites and most of the meaningless and narrow-minded political
parties. It will be able also to project internationally an image of a
strong and unified country and command the respect of other societies.
Giri Girishankar
Voorhees, NJ, United States

Oct 17, 2009 06:32 AM
24 Senthamarai,

>> it is non-sovereign kashmiri identity being subsumed and subjugated by majoritarian Indian identity is what will be considered as an insult to Kashmiris.

Religion influences Kashmiri identity. A large portion of Kashmir is
under Pakistani occupation. A large portion of Indian Kashmir is
Jammu. People in Jammu have a strong Indian identity. In the remaining
portion of Kashmir, the Valley, people seem to be divided three
different ways. It is not as straight forward as you make it sound.

>> In Canada referendum to Francophones for seccession is legally allowed.

You are right. American states do not have a choice, except Puerto
Rico which has not yet decided whether to be a state or opt for
independence.

>> Assuming that we become a confederate nation and excesses in gujarat continues. Then of course gujurat will be forced out of confederacy.

That is a bizarre scenario. How do you know Gujarat would not prefer
to be independent, like Nepal?

Your views are very radical. You and I are in different parts of the
political spectrum.
Anwaar
Dallas, United States

Oct 17, 2009 05:05 AM
23 senthamaria

your advice-

"strike alliances with the masses in your area for secureity."

i live in denmark, and i certainly do not look for secureity to hordes
of uneducated, crude people, under
the leaderhip of mayawati, paswan and lalloo prasad.

i may find lalloo to be amuseing, but never for a moment would i spend
time with mayawati-
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 17, 2009 04:54 AM
22 senthamarai

i am expressing the views of the middleclass indians,
who are fed up of the huge numbers of low castes like
you,who keep breeding like rabbits, and are unable to support
themselves. these are insulting but true words,
and need to be spoken.

your winning card is your large numbers, which enable
you to elect scum like mayawati. imagine such people
governing a state as big as up. bad karma.

just get it into your stupid head, that large, uneducated, poor,
people are no blessing for any country. a country is made by the
educated and talented.

i am saying so because you have some silly ideas of
what the rich and talented owe to you.

not one red cent. not one kopek. not one brass
farthing.

nehrus biggest mistake was to allow the population
explosion to happen.

india will never be able to provide a good life for
them. take away the narayamurthis, and the ambanis, and
you will be sitting on a charpoy eating stale bread in
some corner of india.

and talking of leaveing, many of the rich can leave,
leaveing behind the rats in the sinking ship-
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 17, 2009 04:33 AM
21 Gayatri,
Oops, you are deranged (literally). No point in continuing talking
with you and make others suffer.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 17, 2009 04:29 AM
20 Gayatri
>> foot steps of pol pot

Explaining it to you on what future holds for you in our country (if
you do not mend your current racist ways) is called sound ADVICE.
Consider my advice and change your racist ways and strike alliances
and compromises with masses in your region. That will be the best
security you might get. No amount olive green can provide you that
social security.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 17, 2009 04:27 AM
19 senthamarai

india is a home to tribals who eat rats, people who
live as in the stone ages, bollywood stars, clever
entrepeneurs.

there are too many eaters of rats and those who live
in the stone ages.

take away the tiny elite and the rest of india will be
a vast area with people liveing in mud huts, and
without any thing remotely of value..

rich india subsidies the poor by giveing them cheap food,and other
freebies. they have little land,because they have been breeding like
rabbits. they are burdened
by the most awful social customs.

kashmiri muslims get enormous freebies, and still live
in a medieval style. they dont consider themselves to
be indians, and neither do the indians think of them as
such.

kashmir is a burden for india economically. so are
the huge numbers of the poor of all communities.
these people are not self supporting, and india would
become rich overnight if they were swept away.

they would be worse off without the smart middle classes who bear the
burden of supporting them.

you are yourself of no good to man or beast. just a hate filled , loud
mouthed moron-unable to find a
suitable or decent life.
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 17, 2009 03:58 AM
18 >> Unless one is an extreme radical, one would see Indian identity
as being desirable and honorable,

There absolutely nothing radical about. It is one of the sensible and
accurate way to characterise the existing reality. According to
Kashmiris, it may not be that Indian identity in itself is insulting,
it is non-sovereign kashmiri identity being subsumed and subjugated by
majoritarian Indian identity is what will be considered as an insult
to Kashmiris (for being to identify as an aggressor Indian). It is
akin to defeated argentinians celebrating their capitulation during
falkland wars.

>> see the process as being democratic.

It is clear evasion by you since failed to answer how can it be
democratic if the concerned people want to be free from Indian yoke
and do not recognise Indian constitution and thereby Indian majority.
For example can China democratically decide to occupy Korea and 40
years later claim justification of occupation through democratic hans
majority rule?

>> That is not practical. No country in the world has that.

Plain falsehood, There are number of western countries which are
confedral UK, Canada for example. In Canada referendum to Francophones
for seccession is legally allowed. So does the Scandinavian countries.
In Asia, Malaysia and Indonesia has successfully jettisoned their
fascist yoke over singapore, east timor and Aceh. Same is the case
with Africa. In fact, it is only in those nations where tribes were
artifically joined by colonial masters do we see internal strife. On
the contrary to what you claim, it is lack of SELF-DETERMINATION to
minorities which is causing instability and bloodshed across the
world. Remember that people like you are party to it.

>> Minorities such as in Gujarat will be even worse off if the center was weakened.

Your statement highly immoral or bogus or self-centered. It is
standard bogey used by upper caste (pseudo) left gang. It does not
even make sense.

Let us consider your hypothetical situation in detail.
Assuming that we become a confederate nation and excesses in gujarat
continues. Then of course gujurat will be forced out of confederacy
due to its non-implementation of fundamental rights. what do you think
will happen? Gujurati Hindus will be sh*tting in their pants for a
possible retaliation from Pak./Iran/Arab nations and add a economic
boycott form remaining Indians? This is just one scenario.

Secondly, just because Gujarat Hindus and muslims fight with each
other does not mean Kashmiris or eelam Tamils should be denied their
freedom. This logic is simply ploy of the powerful fascist to buy of
his home constituency.

Thirdly, I can apply the same logic with much more vigor and hindsight
to justify the continuation of colonial rule by british. Infact
history has shown that we butchered each other in hundreds of
thousands ever since british left and we could have developed into an
advanced economy like hong kong/singapore/Japan, if we had stayed as a
colony? Also it is more justified since British gave us the nation
that we are and all its modern institutions and could have taken us to
dizzying height?

>> Between an all-powerful state and an impotent state, there are gradations. One seeks a happy medium

Whoever said that state is impotent? Questions are on the boundary of
the state and extent of its sovereignity. Modern states are powerful
by definition.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 17, 2009 03:33 AM
17 senthamarie

idiot the words were spoken by plato,the greek philosopher- not by
hitler-
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 17, 2009 03:30 AM
16 senthamarie

you are makeing a virtue of being lower caste-

i believe that you are following on the foot steps of
pol pot who killed avery one who could read and write or wore
spectacles.

if india expelled its middle class elite, you bums would be worse of
then you are- not that i wish this.

the real reason for the poverty of lower castes is the population
explosion for which they are responsible.

if usa had a billion poor dropped over night,
there would be poverty, misery all around.

the middle classes usually have one or two children
and are focussed on educateing them. the lower castes have a different
agenda. too many children, no education, and too much booze-

people like you are losers- you can not create industries, or get
anything done of much value.
envy ,jealousy , and hate are your salient features.

unless you make a radical change you will remain in the dumps. fom
your comments this seems to be the
greater probability.

go and get lessons from the blacks in usa- they tried
hard and are now doing fairly well

usa elected obama, and you elected mayawati- a complete
disgrace. losers-
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 17, 2009 03:11 AM
15 Senthamarai,

>> acquire undesirable and insulting indian identity and denies them self-rule.

Unless one is an extreme radical, one would see Indian identity as
being desirable and honorable, and see the process as being
democratic.

>> Have a confederal system with uncompromisable right to secede.

That is not practical. No country in the world has that. Minorities
such as in Gujarat will be even worse off if the center was weakened.

>> a state that heaps punitive violence even for minor dissent against its elitist writs and orders.

Between an all-powerful state and an impotent state, there are
gradations. One seeks a happy medium.
Anwaar
Dallas, United States

Oct 17, 2009 02:24 AM
14 Gayatri Devi,

>> governed by people of intelligence, morals and competence.

Ever wondered word by word similarity between your statement and
Hitler's ?

>> would you prefer mayawati to narayanamurty.

Anyday, it would be Mayavati. But current mayavati who is force-
fitting her politics to harmonise with existing institutions is less
preferable than a mayavati who breaks up existing institutions and so
called established law and 'order' to rewrite her own dalit law and
order.

>>your comments shows a backward mind....

Your comment shows your lack of understanding on your future. Time is
NOT far away for people like you to get whipped and there won't be a
place in world for you to hide (last official brahmin country Nepal
also decided to dump you)

>> your acussations ... help yourselves or perish-

Again, help yourself by count your eggs and moving out of India before
getting obliterated by lower castes take over!
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 17, 2009 02:23 AM
13 Naxalism is not the problem. The real problem is the reason
Naxalism flourished. Chidambaram does not have the courage to address
the real issues of exploitation of tribals by the govt catering to the
upper-caste agenda. Chidambaram is not contributing towards the
creation of a civil society. Through military confrontation you don't
create a civil society. He is using the military force to be
righteous. The rest of the world is not as stupid and crooked as the
rest of upper-caste Indians who buy his BS.
Dr Dang
Kolkata, India

Oct 17, 2009 02:12 AM
12 Anwaar,
>>Which parts of the Constitution do they reject?

The part which says that we are 'Indians' and have to obey the writ of
parliament, which forces them to acquire undesirable and insulting
indian identity and denies them self-rule (kashmiris & NE people),
which forces central-east 'indians' to a de-jure capitalist economic
system (despite 'democratic' commies), which forces Indian Tamils to
fume at their incapacity to help brethren dying of genocide across
palk straits.

>> For maintaining law and order,

Whose laws and whose order?? That itself is under debate!

>> do you have alternatives to a legal and constitutional system?

Indeed there is very simple and elegant solution,
Have a confederal system with uncompromisable right to secede from the
Union through a referendum. Union government job should be only
defense, fostering growth of S&T and protection of fundamental rights
across such confederates. This will force the rulers to be ethical and
also to listen to people's wish when they enact foreign and internal
policies.

>> but what most people want desperately is a peaceful and law-abiding society in which they can live and raise their families.

People will always aspire for better life one way or the other. They
might voluntarily give-up their rights/freedom and liberty in return
for peace only when they have to face a state that heaps punitive
violence even for minor dissent against its elitist writs and orders.
In simple words if you make people scramble hard to even earn their
bread then there is a higher chance that they will rather cut their
losses by being complaint to the aggressor and hope to survive the
tide than hoping otherwise. Three thousand years of Indian history
stands as a testimony to it.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 17, 2009 01:21 AM
11 Senthamarai,

>> How can anyone try both Indian state and rebelling regions under the same Indian constitution which those sub-nations explicitly reject.

Which parts of the Constitution do they reject? For maintaining law
and order, do you have alternatives to a legal and constitutional
system? People may want reform, even revolution, but what most people
want desperately is a peaceful and law-abiding society in which they
can live and raise their families.
Anwaar
Dallas, United States

Oct 17, 2009 12:49 AM
10 senthamarai

it has been stated that certain backward people are better of being
governed by people of superior
intelligence, morals and competence.

would you prefer mayawati to narayanamurty.

your comments shows a backward mind. you prefer to be
ruled by a incompetent fellow backward,then a brilliant
brahmin.how stupid can one get.

ask the poor africans who lived under idi amin dada,
mugabe, and other goons.

it would be better for brahmins to live in well governed city states
and leave you to live in shanty
towns-

your acussations against the clever ones, and your
unceasing demands are just a pain in the butt.
help yourselves or perish-
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 17, 2009 12:13 AM
9 Anwaar,

>> there are people who will spring to their defence even before the investigation is completed. Both are wrong

How can anyone try both Indian state and rebelling regions under the
same Indian constitution which those sub-nations explicitly reject.
Indian constitution is not universal and god given. It is damn
powerful people who wrote it and impose it on unwilling sub-nations
for past 60 years at the point of guns and extraordinary state
violence using army goons. It is not only immoral and wrong-headed but
also plain fascist and simple casteist, bureaucratic oligarchy.
Lassalle's words still very much apply to 21st century modern states.

"The constitutional questions are in the first instance not questions
of right but questions of might. The actual constitution of a country
has its existence only in the actual condition of force which exists
in the country: hence political constitutions have value and
permanence only when they accurately express those conditions of
forces which exist in practice within a society."

>> Many of us are guilty of doing just that. The Home Minister is quite right in saying that both are wrong.

That makes you a willing accomplice to the Brahminical Indian state's
fascist killings. Unfortunately, there are no shades in between these
extremes for you to hide. Indian left has already exploited and
exhausted all of such shades to keep perpetuate brahminical hegemony.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 16, 2009 05:16 PM
8 i am glad that i was not present at this lecture.

the usual congress netas account of indias,s history,
and achievments.

aaa the population of india was 320 million in 1947,
and today it is 1200 million. can any country provide
a good liveing to in such a situation.

the honest answer is no. the population explosion has been the single
greatest reason for india,s poverty.

bbb bad,corrupt management is also one of the reason
for india,s backwardness. as rajiv gandhi said 85 percent of
development funds are siphoned off. only 15
percent isgiven to the aam admi.

ccc the long experiments with socialism, huge incompetent psu, were a
disaster.

ddd leadership of political parties is dismal. i am
appalled at the way politicians dress in khadi ,are
poorly educated, and worst of are out of touch with reality. how many
travell by buses, scooter rick shaws,
use public toilets or eat at a dhaba. how often do they sit with
dalits, muslims or tribals to understand
them better- never.

eee why has india with an army of over 1 million,
a large airforce, navy not punished pakistan for its
sponsoring of terror attacks. look at israel. they
would have bombed all terror camps, and assasinated
dawood ibrahim, and other traitors.

fff what stopped the govt from building good schools, and running them
properly . private people have had to do this.

ggg why did india not build a 100 more universities
so that everyone could get a place, without the need
for reservation.

hhh good high tech jobs, in hospitals and schools
must go to those with merit.

will be better for the nation if jobs are given to undeserving dalits
or muslim, tribals. it will not.

the poor in india of any community need decent jobs
in construction,industry - they do not need to be
given jobs for which they are unsuitable.

hhh let all realise that india consists of various
communities with their own interests. appealing to
them to become pucca nationalist indians is a waste of
time. accept them for what they are.

maybe in a few generations indians may develop a common culture and a
common identity. however i have
great doubts about this.

honesty, realism, good management are the need of the hour-
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 16, 2009 01:15 PM
7 People must not be encouraged to think about right and wrong,
rather, one must think about what is appropriate. A terrorist is
right, when he looks at his own point of view. But do people look at
the larger picture? That which is in our power, we can do, by that
what we cannot do, should we attempt to? We must look at a holistic
solution to our problems in India. A person who is not in a good
situation, may make another man feel that, contrary to the situation,
the other man is in a worse situation. How can both the parties
mentioned before, get rid of insecurity, and help each other with a
generous heart? Mr Chidambaram has enumerated what needs to be done,
not how it should be done. Perhaps, we, the people of India, need to
know how the policies can be effectively implemented. A culture of
self examination needs to be introduced in India, perhaps, since we
are not perfect, and we cannot be told,what to do, as the choice of
the individual is important in a democracy. If there are glaring
inconsistencies in the fabric of India, then the reason is the weave
of the fabric of India, which needs to be rectified.
Aditya Mookerjee
Belgaum, India

Oct 16, 2009 12:57 PM
6 Mr Chidambaram is very enthused, and makes his fellow citizens of
India, enthused, too, about the journey that India has to take. If I
may be frank, it is not as much the constabulary which is bribed
directly by the public, on some occasions, as is the higher echelons
of the police service, which is indirectly corrupted, when they can
eschew corruption. If the higher echelons of the police service so
desire, then the constabulary will not be corrupt. The police service
is a very valuable service which serves the nation. If the people of
India so desire, consciously,then India can be rid of the menace and
the unfortunate happenings of terrorism. Perhaps, the ordinary Indian,
does not pay enough attention, on how to be a responsible citizen. It
is not unhappiness, or deprivation, which encourages crime, but the
society feels that in order for the majority to be right, a minority
has to be wrong, because the existence of the powerful, and the weak
has to be justified. There is no justification for existence, since we
are not conscious in our birth, nor do we choose, when we are born,
when we are to die. So, perhaps, we can stop justifying, and act
independently of justification, but act affirmatively, all the same.
Why are some enthused about being Indian, like me, and not others,
though they be small in number? Does a person, have to feel, that he
is underprivileged, because he happens to exist in a system of
governance in India? If I am less wealthy than Mr Ambani, then should
I measure my privilege, to the privilege enjoyed by Mr Ambani? It is
true, that not all can have the same privileges, if one perceives
privileges. But does that mean, that in my eyes, a farmer is less
privileged than me, because I may have numerically a larger bank
balance? It is the rich, when they see those not as rich, who spread
misconceptions.
Aditya Mookerjee
Belgaum, India
Oct 16, 2009 11:38 AM
5 > "My idea of India is that India must be an inclusive nation; India
must celebrate its diversity; and all Indians must be encouraged to
develop an Indian identity even while each Indian is free to be proud
of his or her language or religion. My idea of India is an India where
we make a conscious effort to make our society more equal and more
united."

Although all of that is in the Constitution, it is god to remind
ourselves of these fundamentals from time to time.

> "when we apprehend home grown boys who are suspected to have committed terrorist acts, to my great dismay, I find that civil society is divided into two camps. On the one hand, there are people who will pronounce them guilty even before a trial and, on the other hand, there are people who will spring to their defence even before the investigation is completed. Both are wrong."

Many of us are guilty of doing just that. The Home Minister is quite
right in saying that both are wrong.
Anwaar
Dallas, United States
Oct 16, 2009 09:06 AM
4 This is the first time that we hear from the Home Minister of India
the true horror story of Naxalites and Terrorists bleeding India. I
hope earnestly that Mr.Chidambaram before his tenure as Home Minister
ends would modernize our Police cadre and make it a well equipped
force to deal effectively with any internal security threats.
Samirajan
Portland, United States
Oct 16, 2009 06:23 AM
3 This shameless chamcha now talks of 'challenge [Maoists] to
society"? Was he living on Mars?
For the past five years, these useless Congie hypocrites sat idly by
and watched the Maoists expand their reach over more than a third of
all districts in the land- and did absolutely nothing- nothing!
Why? Because they were fearful that their Commie supporters at the
center would pull the rug from under them- the interests of the
Congress Party is paramount while the interests of their country is
somewhere lower down their list of priorities- maybe last.
Bodh
Springfield, United States
Oct 16, 2009 02:47 AM
2 So... what is the "Civil Society"? Raping of tribal women, torturing
their children, beating up their old, terrorizing their entire village
so as to stop them from opposing the police brutality of the govt? You
have no moral authority to call yourself civilized when you are
passively acting as a catalyst towards genocide and extinction of
Indian tribals labeling them as naxalites. You may be a wonderful
minister to the upper-caste India but from where I'm look at, you are
an uncivilized terrorist worse than Idi Amin.
Raj
Chicago, United States

Oct 15, 2009 09:14 PM
1 Wonderful. Mr. Chidambaram, you have done you position and India,
proud.
Varun Shekhar
Toronto, CANADA
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-19 16:55:11 UTC
Permalink
http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?262350

National / Cover Stories Magazine | Oct 26, 2009
Tribhuvan Tiwari

October 13, 2009 1558 hrs: Security forces during a combing operation
in Dantewada
security

On War Footing

Coming up, a new battle plan, a new brigade HQ...
Saikat Datta

The November Offensive

•The offensive will be spread over the next five years
•A special forces school, a special forces unit and an army brigade HQ
will be set up near Bilaspur. The Bde HQ will participate in anti-
Maoist ops in the future. The army is looking for 1,800 acres of land
to set up the infrastructure.
•The IAF is looking for 300 acres for its base
•MHA is sitting on a plan to redeploy the Rashtriya Rifles
•For now, 27 battalions of the Border Security Force and the Indo-
Tibetan Border Police will be moved into Chhattisgarh, Orissa and
Maharashtra
•The paramilitary forces will be supported by six Mi-17 IAF choppers
•The helicopters will have on board the IAF's special force, the
GARUDS, to secure the chopper and conduct combat search and rescue
operations
•The offensive will be in seven phases. Each phase has been marked
areawise as Operating Areas (OAs).
•OA-1 involves moving along a north-south axis from Kanker,
Chhattisgarh, and on an east-west axis from Gadchiroli in Maharashtra
and span the Abuj Marh forests used by the Maoists as a training
centre and logistics base
***
The deep scars on constable Anup Sethi (name changed) are still
visible to those who care to see. A year ago, while on an undercover
mission in Dantewada, one of the worst-affected districts of
Chhattisgarh, Sethi was caught by the Maoists, his AK-47 snatched away
and his face and arms slashed with knives. He was allowed to live,
since he was once a Naxalite. Back in uniform now, Sethi regrets the
loss of his AK-47, but has now opted for something the Indian army
discarded a decade ago: the older 7.62 mm Self-Loading Rifle (SLR).
“It shoots straighter and kills better,” he says, patrolling deep in
the jungles of Dantewada on a sunny afternoon.

For years, the ragged security infrastructures in the Naxal-affected
states of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh and
Maharashtra have worked in isolation, pitting their motley crew of
state police and central paramilitary forces againstMaoists—the whole
thing was marked by an absence of strategy. The wheels might now begin
to turn. Come November, and the Centre will mark the beginning of a
coordinated, seven-phase offensive to take on Maoists in their core
areas. For the first time, the ground is being laid for involving the
Indian army and air force should the need arise, and strengthening
existing state and paramilitary forces.

For the first time ever in chhattisgarh, the army is setting up a
brigade headquarters.

With each part of the operation designated areawise as OAs or
Operating Areas, the November Offensive will mark the first phase. A
two-pronged attack, it will begin simultaneously in the Kanker
district of Chhattisgarh and Gadchiroli in Maharashtra, together
characterised as OA1. The objective is to proceed on a north-to-south
axis from Kanker and a west-to-east axis from Gadchiroli, and meet at
the 6,000 sq km swathe of forest called the Abuj Marh, which is
“unknown jungle” in the local Gondi dialect of the tribals (see map).
Indeed, the Marh is an impenetrable forest that has not even been
mapped for revenue records and has therefore served as a major
training and logistics base for the Maoists for years. The strategy
now is to push ahead, hit Abuj Marh and then hold ground.

Red hood: Locals pledge support to Maoists in the jungles of Bastar

OA1 secured, it’ll serve as a logistics base for the next phase of
operations—OA2—to be conducted in the Maoist-affected districts of
Dantewada, Narayanpur, Bijapur and Bastar. Orissa’s bordering
districts won’t conduct any offensive operations, with troops being
deployed only in a defensive posture to hold ground and prevent
Maoists fleeing Chhattisgarh from entering the forests there.

Preparations have been under way for a while. As a major step,
however, the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) cleared a pending
proposal of the army headquarters to set up a special forces school, a
special forces unit and a brigade HQ in Chhattisgarh. “The army wanted
1,800 acres of land, and we identified Bilaspur as the area for
setting up the brigade headquarters,” Vishwa Ranjan, the director-
general of police, Chhattisgarh, told Outlook. “As of now, Indian army
officials are scouting around for contiguous land and the district
collector has been instructed to help them set up the headquarters.”
Bilaspur is Chhattisgarh’s third-largest city, and also the
headquarters of the South Central Railway. With this, the army will be
set to play a role beyond its present responsibility of training
paramilitary forces like the Border Security Force (BSF) and Indo-
Tibetan Border Police (ITBP).

The Indian air force too will, for the first time, have a task cut out
for it in anti-Maoist operations. Six Russian Mi-17 helicopters have
been earmarked to aid the paramilitary forces on ground. Two each will
be placed in Nagpur in Maharashtra, Orissa and Jagdalpur, the district
headquarters of Bastar, to aid troops in conducting operations in
inaccessible areas as well as casualty evacuation. The choppers will
also carry the IAF’s special forces—the Garuds—to secure the aircraft
and conduct combat search and rescue operations. According to sources
in the air headquarters, the CCS also agreed that the air force
choppers will have the permission to fire back in self-defence.

Dantewada a house is checked for a suspected Maoist

Besides, the Centre and states are planning to send in nearly 27
battalions (of 800 to 1,000 men each) of the BSF and ITBP into
Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Maharashtra to augment existing troops. The
MHA is also sitting on a plan to redeploy the elite Rashtriya Rifles
in the area once the brigade HQ is set up. A specialised force raised
by the army to combat insurgency in Kashmir, RR will be diverted from
Jammu & Kashmir “once the situation is more stable in Kashmir”, a
senior official of the Union ministry of home affairs told Outlook.
The BSF and RR, unlike other paramilitary forces, have heavy weaponry
like medium-range machine guns, mortars and rocket launchers. This
will take the new offensive to an altogether different level.

And Chhattisgarh is slated to be a major theatre of action in the
November offensive. DGP Vishwa Ranjan was a former Madhya Pradesh
cadre police officer who spent the better part of his professional
life in the Intelligence Bureau studying the Maoists, their tactics
and strategies and gathering intelligence on their activities and
sudden growth in the last several years. He was chosen by the central
and state government to head back to Chhattisgarh to train and deploy
a police force that seemed to be losing its way against the Maoists.
“The Maoist literature available with us clearly states that they are
preparing for a war with the Indian army,” says Ranjan. “They have
trained and equipped themselves for such a war. But come November and
we will be launching a fresh new offensive against them.”

The idea is that if J&K stabilises, rashtriya rifles can be freed for
deployment in the areas held by maoists.

After Ranjan took over, training methods were changed, fresh forces
raised and new equipment brought in. Serving and retired Indian army
personnel were brought in to train the Chhattisgarh police and
reorient them in jungle strategy and warfare, battlecraft and special
operations. The idea was to give the men the confidence to take on the
Maoists and raise a force like Andhra’s Greyhounds, a specialised
police force that operated in the jungles bordering Chhattisgarh and
Orissa tracking Maoists. Earlier, the state had set up a counter-
terrorism and jungle warfare school in Kanker district in 2005, and
put it under the charge of Brig B.K. Ponwar, a retired commandant of
the army’s jungle warfare school. Serving jcos from the army now
impart training to all Chhattisgarh police personnel at the school.
“Training in the school is now mandatory for all officers and men of
the Chhattisgarh police,” says DGP Ranjan. The Chhattisgarh police in
turn has set up a new school to train the men and officers of the
Special Task Force men under a former Special Forces officer, Col R.
Sharma.

Training Day: Army SF instructor Col Sharma at the STF school

The infusion of the army’s platoon- and company-level tactics has
already begun to pay dividends. The police now conduct surgical
operations, living off the land in dense forest for weeks chasing
Maoist ‘dalams’ and local guerrilla squads who have their own
doctrines, strategies and training (see box).

Will this strategy work? Hitherto, the government had neither any
strategy nor the will to counter the problem. The MHA, the nodal
agency for all internal security issues, did have a Maoist management
division, but it was staffed with bureaucrats who had never served in
Maoist-affected states or had any experience in counter-insurgency.
The police bore the brunt of the Maoist attacks, yet weren’t included
at the policymaking level to be able to make a meaningful
contribution.

With things drifting thus, police casualties had begun to mount in the
recent past, compounded as their woes were by lack of adequate
training and equipment. The deployment of the Central Reserve Police
Force proved to be another disaster. Ill-equipped and ill-trained for
the job, many of its personnel lost their lives in mines and IEDs laid
on village roads by the Maoists. Understandably, the CRPF panicked and
restricted its men from operating beyond a radius of 5 km beyond their
camps, which has now been revised to a radius of 8 km.

Things began to change and an anti-Maoist strategy began to take shape
once P. Chidambaram took charge as the new minister of home affairs
post-26/11. To begin with, a serving brigadier of the Indian army was
brought into the MHA to formulate strategies, while a police officer
was posted as a joint secretary in the anti-Maoist division. Serious
deliberations thereon have culminated in the November offensive.

The MHA intends to start development works in areas that are cleared
and secured. But as the build-up for the offensive begins, police in
the area is getting rapidly militarised and the scars of a protracted
conflict have begun to appear on civil society. Are Orissa,
Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Maharashtra headed the Manipur or Kashmir
way? Will the recent spate of violence by the Maoists evoke a more
lethal response from a state digging in its heels for a long war? Many
more shades of grey might invade the frame gradually as the battle for
the soul and the very idea of India enters a decisive phase.

By Saikat Datta in Dantewada, Bastar and Kanker, Chhattisgarh
Photographs by Tribhuvan Tiwari

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-20 12:53:18 UTC
Permalink
http://news.outlookindia.com/item.aspx?668057

Naxals Need to Be Treated Differently: Chidambaram
Oct 20, 2009

Union Home Minister P Chidambaram today said Naxalism cannot be
bracketed with terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir and insurgency in the
North-East and suggested that Maoists needed to be treated
differently.

Chidambaram also said that Naxals should shun the path of violence and
come forward for talks with the government.

The minister is understood to have made these remarks at the Army
Commanders conference which got underway today.

According to officials who attended the meeting, Chidambaram said that
while North-East insurgents and terrorists in J&K were demanding
secession from India, Naxals were different because they did not have
this design.

The Centre meanwhile termed as "despicable act" the attempts by Naxal
groups to recruit children to carry out armed actions against security
personnel. The Centre also said it was committed to control the
diabolical activities of left-wing extremists.

"Intelligence inputs have indicated forced recruitment of children by
Naxals in south Chhattisgarh. Naxalities are also exhorting the
villagers to provide five boys or girls per village for recruitment in
their armed squad," an official spokesman said in a release.

"The Government condemns this despicable act on the part of Naxals and
reiterates its commitment to control the diabolical activities of
Naxals," he said.

The Centre is currently firming up plans to counter the Naxal problem
which has affected 20 states.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-20 12:57:19 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/339064_Lalu-suggests-to-govt-to-hold-dialogue-with-Maoist

Lalu suggests to govt to hold dialogue with Maoist
STAFF WRITER 17:19 HRS IST

Patna, Oct 20 (PTI) Expressing serious concern over naxal violence in
Bihar, RJD chief Lalu Prasad today suggested the government to hold
dialogue with them and try to bring the naxalites to the mainstream.

The government should take initiative to hold dialogue with the
naxalites and relentlessly endeavour to bring them to the social
mainstream, Lalu said.

"The naxalism has come to Bihar from West Bengal and has now now
expanded its base widely in most parts of the state," Prasad said
while participating in 'Hindustan Samagam', a conference organised by
Hindustan Times group here.

Referring to the survey carried out by a weekly that Bihar ranked
lowest among the states in terms of per capita investment, besides
lagging behind in education, health and infrastructure, Prasad said
Bihar needed "a special care and treatment" unlike the "routine
treatment" being meted out to other states.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-20 13:07:20 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/bihar-sps-told-to-go-to-villages-to-expose-real-face-of-naxals/530798/

Bihar SPs told to go to villages to expose ‘real face’ of Naxals
Santosh Singh

Posted: Tuesday , Oct 20, 2009 at 0310 hrs

Patna:

Securitymen in Giridih during a bandh call given by Maoists.

With the Union Home Ministry set to launch an all-out offensive
against the Naxals, Bihar has decided to use the Rs 19 crore it got
from the Centre for a campaign against them.

Bihar Director General of Police (DGP) Anand Shankar recently held
meetings with Chief Minister Nitish Kumar where it was decided that
Superintendents of Police of 15 Naxal-affected districts in the state
would be directed to “expose the real face” of those pretending to be
instruments of socialist change, while simultaneously taking welfare
schemes to villages. Gaya, Aurangabad, Rohtas, Kaimur, Nawada, Jamui
and Banka are the worst-hit Naxal districts. in Bihar.

Inspector General (Operations) K S Dwivedi told The Indian Express
that the 15 SPs had been given Rs 5 lakh each last June to start
community policing and Rs 3 lakh each to start the campaign against
ultras. “We will tell people through pamphlets and advertisements how
brutally they kill innocent people and damage public property at
will,” says Dwivedi, referring to the recent beheading of a Jharkhand
Inspector, Francis Induwar.

Police expect such psychological offensive to be a vital tool in the
anti-Naxal operations. They would combine this with construction of
toilets, organisation of health camps, and arranging of streetlights
in remote villages.

At the same time, the operations against the Naxals will intensify
while tougher laws would be applied against those in custody. Dwivedi
said police treated Naxals as hardcore criminals and had been pressing
for speedy trials against them. Of 274 Maoists facing trials since
2007, 10 have been awarded death sentence and 22 life sentence in the
state. However, Dwivedi said this was not enough.

He also sought at least 20 extra battalions for anti-Naxal operations.
At present, a 400-member Greyhound-trained Special Task Force, 23
companies of the CRPF, 16 Bihar Military Police battalions, and 7,000
Special Auxiliary Police jawans, besides the usual police forces, are
tackling Maoists in the state. “We have enforced Unlawful Prevention
Activities Prevention Act against ultras, ensuring five years’ jail
for them. We will soon enforce Section 121 (waging war against the
state) of the Indian Penal Code against them. They may well face
sedition charges,” Dwivedi said.

Why Bihar won’t be easy

• For Bihar and Jharkhand, Naxals have two special area committees —
Eastern Central Regional Bureau and Northern Regional Bureau. These
committees apart from the Uttar Pradesh, Uttar Bihar and Uttaranchal
special area committees control Bihar ops.

• The Bihar-Jharkhand area is divided into zones — Magadh, Central,
Sone Ganga-Vindhyachal, Jamui, Bhagalpur, Banka, Munger and Lakhisarai
zone, and Koel-Sangh zone.

• Parallel to these administrative zones, a central military
commission, special area military commission and regional military
commission, zonal command, sub-zonal command and area command look
after military planning and strategies at respective levels. Besides,
there is People’s Liberation Guerilla Army working as a specialised
force.

• If at main levels, Naxals have special zonal/state military
commissions, at secondary levels, they have zonal, divisional,
district forces. Their base force are village defence squads.

• Pramod Mishra alias Banbiharji, now in Ranchi jail, and Jagdish
Master, both from Bihar, are the top leaders. They call themselves
members and do not bear any designations.

• The other senior leader is Central Committee secretary Ganpati from
Andhra. The committee has 18 members, two of them from Bihar.

• The arrested Naxal leaders include Rampravesh Baitha, Jehanabad
jailbreak mastermind Ajay Kanu, Lalbabu Saini alias Bhaskarji and his
brother Devendra Saini.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-20 17:29:53 UTC
Permalink
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_andhra-police-appear-to-have-upper-hand-in-anti-naxal-fight_1301041

Andhra police appear to have upper hand in anti-Naxal fight
PTI Tuesday, October 20, 2009 21:37 IST

Hyderabad: As the Centre prepares to launch a massive operation
against Maoists, police in the Naxal-hit Andhra Pradesh have a reason
to rejoice this year.

For the first time in many years, the Andhra police did not suffer a
single casualty at the hands of Maoists since the Police Commemoration
Day (October 21) last year.

In 2008, the state lost as many as 38 policemen in extremist violence,
with the attack on a team of Greyhounds, an elite anti-Naxal force, at
Balimela bordering Orissa alone claiming 36 lives.

Even in the previous years, police casualties numbered anywhere
between five and ten per annum, additional director general of police
(law and order) AK Khan said today.

While Andhra had been successful in containing the menace to a large
extent, others like Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Jharkhand are bearing the
brunt with the Left wing extremists spreading their wings to these
states in the last few years.

However, the Maoists are trying to make a comeback in Andhra Pradesh,
prompting the police to take a fresh guard.

There has been some spurt in Maoist activities in the state. Some
incidents like killing of a village sarpanch have been reported in the
recent days and hence we have stepped up our vigil, particularly in
the districts bordering Orissa and Chhattisgarh, he told a press
conference here.

Maoists had remained dormant in Andhra Pradesh for a few months now
after some ofits top leaders were killed in gun battles with the
police.

Top Naxal leader Muppalla Laxman Rao alias Ganapathi, too, admitted in
a recent interview that their movement has suffered a serious setback
in the southern state.

It was due to several mistakes on our part that we suffered a serious
setback in most of Andhra Pradesh by 2006. This setback is, however,
temporary as we have an advantageous situation for reviving the
movement in Andhra Pradesh, Ganapathi said in an interview to a news
magazine.

The ADGP, however, sought to make light of Ganapathi's assertion,
saying such remarks were intended to keep the confidence level in
their own ranks.

As per the police estimate, there are about 460 extremists in the
state. Till last yearthere were about 387 Maoist cadres in the
underground (UG) list while 87 more were
added to it subsequently. Of the 474, 12 extremists, including seven
of CPI (Maoist) and five of CPI (ML-Praja Pratighatana), surrendered,
while two were killed in police encounters.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-20 17:54:06 UTC
Permalink
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_cease-offensive-start-unconditional-talks-with-naxals-activist_1300968

Cease offensive, start unconditional talks with Naxals: Activist
PTI Tuesday, October 20, 2009 20:12 IST

New Delhi: A group of activists led by former Supreme Court judge PB
Sawant today appealed to the government to cease armed offensive in
Naxal-affected states and demanded unconditional talks between
authorities and Maoists to find a solution.

Addressing a meeting here, Sawant said many in the country were not
aware of the "very serious consequences" which would follow if the
government moves ahead with the "onslaught".

"The attack is not on the so-called Maoists but it is an attack on
people who are fighting for their democratic process," he said at a
seminar organised by Citizens Initiative for Peace, which is demanding
unconditional talks between both the parties.

He said it was difficult to convince those who believe in armed
revolution that they can use democratic means to achieve their goals
as the "experience of the past 60 years is contrary to (what a
democracy should do)".

Sawant alleged that the government has "miserably failed" to deliver
for the poor people in the country.

"Last so many years have proved that the power given by people to
their elected representatives has been used against their interests
and for the benefit for a few," he said.

Sawant was of the view that the it was not right on the part of the
government to "attack" people when they stand up and fight for their
justice.

RTI activist Aruna Roy alleged the offensive against Maoists across
the country is actually meant to plunder the vast resources in the
forests.

"Today, the government is going on an offensive against Maoists.
Tomorrow, it will be against someone else," she said.

She claimed that people took to arms only because their voices were
not heard. "They were forced to take arms as their voices were not
strong enough to make the government hear," Roy said.

Himanshu Kumar, an activist working in Chhattisgarh's Naxal-affected
Dantewada area, claimed that Maoists reached out to many areas where
the government did not.

He alleged that the forces were harassing "innocent tribals" who were
trapped in the jungle.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-20 17:57:42 UTC
Permalink
http://ibnlive.in.com/news/we-beheaded-jharkhand-cop-says-naxal-leader/103601-3.html?from=tn

INDUWAR KILLING

We beheaded Jharkhand cop: Naxal
CNN-IBN

Published on Tue, Oct 20, 2009 at 18:46, Updated on Tue, Oct 20, 2009
at 21:50 in India section

TRAGIC END: The decapacitated body of Induwar was found on the
Jamshedpur-Ranchi highway.

New Delhi: The 51-year-old politburo member of the banned Communist
Party of India (Naxal) Kishenji on Tuesday claimed responsibility for
beheading inspector Francis Induwar in Jharkhand two weeks ago.

The decapacitated body of 50-year-old Jharkhand police inspector
Induwar was found on the Jamshedpur-Ranchi highway on October 6, a few
days after he was abducted.

Speaking exclusively to CNN-IBN, Kishenji said, “Yes, we take
responsibility for the attack. This is a guerrilla war. If any force
from one side infiltrates then they should be punished.”

Naxals shot dead a police officer and abducted two others, including
the officer-in-charge and looted arms and ammunition from the Sankrail
police station in West Midnapore district on Tuesday where anti-Maoist
operations have been continuing.

At least 50 armed Maoists, including women, rode up on motorbikes to
the police station in Jhargram subdivision where Lalgarh is also
located, and opened fire killing the second officer Dibakar
Bhattacharya and kidnapped officer-in-charge Atindranath Dutta and an
assistant sub-inspector Swapan Roy, the police said.

They also looted all the arms and ammunition in the police station,
they said.

Regarding the killing in Bengal, Kishenji said, “Today we killed
another officer.”

“The operation against us is being led by the Left Front government in
Bengal in the name of joint operation for the last four months. So to
combat these forces we need to take revenge. We have warned the state
government to stop all deployment of forces,” he added.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-20 18:00:42 UTC
Permalink
http://www.switched.com/2009/10/20/yahoo-lap-dance-fiasco-taliban-joins-youtube/

Editor's Picks

Yahoo! Lap Dance Fiasco, Taliban Joins YouTube
by Warren Riddle (RSS feed) — Oct 20th 2009 at 11:29AM

This morning's other big tech headlines....

•An uproar over Yahoo!'s Open Hack Day festivities in Taiwan has
forced the Web behemoth to issue an apology. Apparently, Yahoo! felt
the need to send all the attendant nerds into a geeky frenzy with a
crew of scantily clad, Hack Girl lap dancers. Next year, in the
interest of gender equality, the company should probably force the
moron who planned the shenanigans to dance around in a day-glo Speedo.
[From: All Things Digital]

•It may despise freedom and the United States, but the Taliban is
certainly enjoying our Constitutional right to free speech. The
terrorist group has apparently been uploading videos to its own
YouTube account, and has even created an English-language Web site
hosted on U.S. servers. Hopefully, the government is keeping a close
eye on the group's activities instead of encroaching on the liberties
of U.S. citizens, alone. [From: The Huffington Post]

•Break out the tin-foil hats and watch out for black helicopters,
people. In Big-Brother-comes-to-fruition news, the CIA has invested
money in Visible Technologies, a firm that monitors social networking
sites, blog posts, and other public Web activities. But, seriously, we
love you, CIA, and think this a great idea. Seriously. [From: Wired]

•It's time for everyone to update that (real) anti-virus software.
Security firm Symantec recently announced that 40 million people have
been scammed by so-called "scareware." The company now claims that the
fake anti-virus software, peddled as Antivirus 2010 and Spyware Guard
2008, is still loaded on millions of computers, and that the scammers
have earned as much as $300,000 a month from the pop-up scheme. [From:
Reuters]

•Facebook is rolling out yet more changes this week, adding group
updates to users' news feeds. Sure, this might just be a copycat move,
considering Twitter's implementation of a group, or list, feature last
week. But at least Facebook is adapting and not slipping away into
obscurity like some other, formerly popular social networking sites.
[From: CNET]
•Studies have shown that excessive gaming can lead to finger
deformities in children, and now an 11-year-old boy, surveying his
classmates, has determined that young fervent gamers experience
significantly more joint and wrist pain than do older casual gamers.
Maybe it's time for Nintendo to bring back that awesome, '80s, hands-
free controller. [From: Live Science]

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-20 21:08:38 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/News/india/Need-nuanced-strategy-to-tackle-Maoists-PM/Article1-467362.aspx

Need nuanced strategy to tackle Maoists: PM
HT Correspondent
New Delhi, October 20, 2009

First Published: 23:15 IST(20/10/2009)
Last Updated: 01:13 IST(21/10/2009)

With large swathes of the country gripped by Naxalite violence, even
as Home Minister P Chidambaram said the government was ready to talk
to Maoists, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh underlined the need for a
nuanced strategy to deal with Left-wing extremism.

Addressing top military commanders, including the three service
chiefs, at the Combined Commanders’ Conference, the Prime Minister
reiterated that Naxal violence was the gravest threat to internal
security, according to defence ministry sources.

Singh laid emphasis on inclusive growth to deal with Naxalism.The PM’s
message came on Tuesday, when Maoists looted a bank, raided a police
station and shot dead two policemen in West Bengal’s West Midnapore
district.

The PM said there were intelligence reports of “imminent attacks” in
the country.

A week after China protested his visit to Arunachal Pradesh, Singh is
understood to have emphasised the need to build political trust
between the two countries.

On October 13, China raised the pitch of its claim over Arunachal
Pradesh by objecting to the PM’s visit there. A day later, Beijing
asserted it would continue to take up projects in Pakistan-occupied
Kashmir.

Naxalism and China, however, found no mention in excerpts of the PM’s
address released by his office on Tuesday.

Also on Tuesday, responding to demands that the Centre engage Maoist
leaders in a dialogue and not gun battles, Union Home Minister P
Chidambaram said the government was ready for talks if Naxalites
abjured violence.

“If the CPI (Maoist) will make a statement and call a halt to
violence, the government would be willing to start a process through
which it can hold talks with them on any issue that concerns them …”
the home minister said in a letter to former Lok Sabha Speaker Rabi
Ray.

In 2009 alone, the CPI (Maoist) caused 183 violent attacks on economic
targets including railway tracks, telephone towers, power plants,
mines, school buildings and panchayat Bhavans.

Ray and some eminent persons including Kuldip Nayar, Aruna Roy and
Prof. Rajni Kothari had asked the government to stop the offensive in
areas where the Naxalite parties were present to facilitate a
ceasefire.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-20 21:13:19 UTC
Permalink
http://community.livejournal.com/ontd_political/4396352.html

henry carmichael-smyth (applegnat) wrote in ontd_political,
@ 2009-10-20 11:30:00

the war you aren't reading about
Of Wars and Demons

Indian forces are ready for a big offensive against Naxal insurgents
in Dandakaranya and elsewhere. Let’s be clear, India will be at war

In Hindu mythology, Dandakaranya is the region where dutiful Devas led
by Lord Rama fought numerous battles against Asuras—demons hellbent on
destroying the peace and tranquility of the realm. Even today, there
is a place called Dandakaranya in eastern central India, and it is
about to become a theatre for one of India’s biggest internal military
offensives ever. However, the line between Devas and Asuras, divinity
and devilry, good and bad, has been blurred by the burden of its
blighted history. Till now, the Indian Government never really cared
for this region, an area of over 40,000 sq km that’s home to millions
of tribals. To British colonialists, it was worth its weight in
plundered minerals and forest resources. To successive regimes since
1947, it was a do-not-disturb jungle enclave, an isolation zone best
left alone in honour of tribal wishes (or presumed wishes). Intrusions
of all kind were frowned upon. Even official maps of this region did
not exist until recently. No Nehruvian five-year plan ever touched
this region. There was no drinking water, let alone electricity,
schools or healthcare centres. Absolutely nothing.

And so it remained. Till a few men and women who swore allegiance to
Mao built their base there—a place where tribals once lived the lives
their ancestors led thousands of years ago, many of them unaware of
such dawn-of-civilisation tools as the plough—and sowed the seeds of
both aspiration and rebellion. Today, almost one-third of India is
under the Red shadow. As the Centre prepares to launch its anti-Naxal
offensive, Open presents the first ever media interview with
Ganapathi, commander-in-chief of Indian Maoists. Also, an examination
of the Centre’s plans and its possible consequences. It’s a war out
there, and you need to know.

“We Shall Certainly Defeat the Government”

Somewhere in the impregnable jungles of Dandakaranya, the supreme
commander of CPI (Maoist) spoke to Open on issues ranging from the
Government’s proposed anti-Naxal offensive to Islamist Jihadist
movements
BY RAHUL PANDITA

At first sight, Mupalla Laxman Rao, who is about to turn 60, looks
like a school teacher. In fact, he was one in the early 1970s in
Andhra Pradesh’s Karimnagar district. In 2009, however, the
bespectacled, soft-spoken figure is India’s Most Wanted Man. He runs
one of the world’s largest Left insurgencies—a man known in Home
Ministry dossiers as Ganapathi; a man whose writ runs large through 15
states. The supreme commander of CPI (Maoist) is a science graduate
and holds a B Ed degree as well. He still conducts classes, but now
they are on guerilla warfare for other senior Maoists. He replaced the
founder of the People’s War Group, Kondapalli Seetharaamiah, as the
party’s general-secretary in 1991. Ganapathi is known to change his
location frequently, and intelligence reports say he has been spotted
in cities like Hyderabad, Kolkata and Kochi. After months of attempts,
Ganapathi agreed to give his first-ever interview. Somewhere in the
impregnable jungles of Dandakaranya, he spoke to RAHUL PANDITA on
issues ranging from the Government’s proposed anti-Naxal offensive to
Islamist Jihadist movements.

Q Lalgarh has been described as the New Naxalbari by the CPI (Maoist).
How has it become so significant for you?

A The Lalgarh mass uprising has, no doubt, raised new hopes among the
oppressed people and the entire revolutionary camp in West Bengal. It
has great positive impact not only on the people of West Bengal but
also on the people all over the country. It has emerged as a new model
of mass movement in the country. We had seen similar types of
movements earlier in Manipur, directed against Army atrocities and
Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), in Kashmir, in Dandakaranya
and to some extent in Orissa, after the Kalinganagar massacre
perpetrated by the Naveen Patnaik government.

Then there have been mass movements in Singur and Nandigram but there
the role of a section of the ruling classes is also significant. These
movements were utilised by the ruling class parties for their own
electoral interests. But Lalgarh is a more widespread and more
sustained mass political movement that has spurned the leadership of
all the parliamentary political parties, thereby rendering them
completely irrelevant. The people of Lalgarh had even boycotted the
recent Lok Sabha polls, thereby unequivocally demonstrating their
anger and frustration with all the reactionary ruling class parties.
Lalgarh also has some distinctive features such as a high degree of
participation of women, a genuinely democratic character and a wider
mobilisation of Adivasis. No wonder it has become a rallying point for
the revolutionary-democratic forces in West Bengal.

Q If it is a people’s movement, how did Maoists get involved in
Lalgarh?

A As far as our party’s role is concerned, we have been working in
Paschim Midnapur, Bankura and Purulia, in what is popularly known as
Jangalmahal since the 1980s. We fought against the local feudal
forces, against the exploitation and oppression by the forest
officials, contractors, unscrupulous usurers and the goondaism of both
the CPM and Trinamool Congress. The ruling CPM, in particular, has
become the chief exploiter and oppressor of the Adivasis of the
region, and it has unleashed its notorious vigilanté gangs called
Harmad Vahini on whoever questions its authority. With the State
authority in its hands, and with the aid of the police, it is playing
a role worse than that of the cruel landlords in other regions of the
country.

Given this background, anyone who dares to fight against oppression
and exploitation by the CPM can win the respect and confidence of the
people. Since our party has been fighting uncompromisingly against the
atrocities of the CPM goons, it naturally gained the confidence and
respect of the people of the region.

The police atrocities in the wake of the landmine blast on 2 November
[in 2008, from which West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb
Bhattacharjee had a narrow escape] acted as the trigger that brought
the pent-up anger of the masses into the open. This assumed the form
of a long-drawn mass movement, and our party played the role of a
catalyst.

Q But not so long ago, the CPM was your friend. You even took arms and
ammunition from it to fight the Trinamool Congress. This has been
confirmed by a Politburo member of CPI (Maoist) in certain interviews.
And now you are fighting the CPM with the help of the Trinamool. How
did a friend turn into a foe and vice-versa?

A This is only partially true. We came to know earlier that some
ammunition was taken by our local cadre from the CPM unit in the area.
There was, however, no understanding with the leadership of the CPM in
this regard. Our approach was to unite all sections of the oppressed
masses at the lower levels against the goondaism and oppression of
Trinamool goons in the area at that time. And since a section of the
oppressed masses were in the fold of the CPM at that time, we fought
together with them against Trinamool. Still, taking into consideration
the overall situation in West Bengal, it was not a wise step to take
arms and ammunition from the CPM even at the local level when the
contradiction was basically between two sections of the reactionary
ruling classes.

Our central committee discussed this, criticised the comrade
responsible for taking such a decision, and directed the concerned
comrades to stop this immediately. As regards taking ammunition from
the Trinamool Congress, I remember that we had actually purchased it
not directly from the Trinamool but from someone who had links with
the Trinamool. There will never be any conditions or agreements with
those selling us arms. That has been our understanding all along. As
regards the said interview by our Politburo member, we will verify
what he had actually said.

Q What are your tactics now in Lalgarh after the massive offensive by
the Central and state forces?

A First of all, I wish to make it crystal clear that our party will
spearhead and stand firmly by the side of the people of Lalgarh and
entire Jangalmahal, and draw up tactics in accordance with the
people’s interests and mandate. We shall spread the struggle against
the State everywhere and strive to win over the broad masses to the
side of the people’s cause. We shall fight the State offensive by
mobilising the masses more militantly against the police, Harmad
Vahini and CPM goons. The course of the development of the movement,
of course, will depend on the level of consciousness and preparedness
of the people of the region. The party will take this into
consideration while formulating its tactics. The initiative of the
masses will be released fully.

Q The Government has termed Lalgarh a ‘laboratory’ for anti-Naxal
operations. Has your party also learnt any lessons from Lalgarh?

A Yes, our party too has a lot to learn from the masses of Lalgarh.
Their upsurge was beyond our expectations. In fact, it was the common
people, with the assistance of advanced elements influenced by
revolutionary politics, who played a crucial role in the formulation
of tactics. They formed their own organisation, put forth their
charter of demands, worked out various novel forms of struggle, and
stood steadfast in the struggle despite the brutal attacks by the
police and the social-fascist Harmad gangs. The Lalgarh movement has
the support of revolutionary and democratic forces not only in West
Bengal but in the entire country. We are appealing to all
revolutionary and democratic forces in the country to unite to fight
back the fascist offensive by the Buddhadeb government in West Bengal
and the UPA Government at the Centre. By building the broadest
fighting front, and by adopting appropriate tactics of combining the
militant mass political movement with armed resistance of the people
and our PLGA (People’s Liberation Guerilla Army), we will defeat the
massive offensive by the Central-state forces. I cannot say more than
this at the present juncture.

Q The Centre has declared an all-out war against Maoists by branding
the CPI (Maoist) a terrorist organisation and imposing an all-India
ban on the party. How has it affected your party?

A Our party has already been banned in several states of India. By
imposing the ban throughout the country, the Government now wants to
curb all our open activities in West Bengal and a few other states
where legal opportunities exist to some extent. The Government wants
to use this draconian UAPA [Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act] to
harass whoever dares to raise a voice against fake encounters, rapes
and other police atrocities on the people residing in Maoist-dominated
regions. Anyone questioning the State’s brutalities will now be
branded a terrorist.

The real terrorists and biggest threats to the country’s security are
none other than Manmohan Singh, Chidambaram, Buddhadeb, other ruling
class leaders and feudal forces who terrorise the people on a daily
basis.

The UPA Government had declared, as soon as it assumed power for the
second time, that it would crush the Maoist ‘menace’ and began pouring
in huge funds to the states for this purpose. The immediate reason
behind this move is the pressure exerted by the comprador bureaucratic
bourgeoisie and the imperialists, particularly US imperialists, who
want to plunder the resources of our country without any hindrance.
These sharks aspire to swallow the rich abundant mineral and forest
wealth in the vast contiguous region stretching from Jangalmahal to
north Andhra. This region is the wealthiest as well as the most
underdeveloped part of our country. These sharks want to loot the
wealth and drive the Adivasi people of the region to further
impoverishment.

Another major reason for the current offensive by the ruling classes
is the fear of the rapid growth of the Maoist movement and its
increasing influence over a significant proportion of the Indian
population. The Janatana Sarkars in Dandakaranya and the revolutionary
people’s committees in Jharkhand, Orissa and parts of some other
states have become new models of genuine people’s democracy and
development. The rulers want to crush these new models of development
and genuine democracy, as these are emerging as the real alternative
before the people of the country at large.

Q The Home Ministry has made preparations for launching a long-term
battle against Maoists. A huge force will be soon trying to wrest away
areas from your control. How do you plan to confront this offensive?

A Successive governments in various states and the Centre have been
hatching schemes over the years. But they could not achieve any
significant success through their cruel offensive in spite of
murdering hundreds of our leaders and cadres. Our party and our
movement continued to consolidate and expand to new regions. From two
or three states, the movement has now spread to over 15 states, giving
jitters to the ruling classes. Particularly after the merger of the
erstwhile MCCI and People’s War in September 2004 [the merger between
these groups led to the formation of the CPI (Maoist)], the UPA
Government has unleashed the most cruel all-round offensive against
the Maoist movement. Yet our party continued to grow despite suffering
some severe losses. In the past three years, in particular, our PLGA
has achieved several significant victories.

We have been confronting the continuous offensive of the enemy with
the support and active involvement of the masses. We shall confront
the new offensive of the enemy by stepping up such heroic resistance
and preparing the entire party, PLGA, the various revolutionary
parties and organisations and the entire people. Although the enemy
may achieve a few successes in the initial phase, we shall certainly
overcome and defeat the Government offensive with the active
mobilisation of the vast masses and the support of all the
revolutionary and democratic forces in the country. No fascist regime
or military dictator in history could succeed in suppressing forever
the just and democratic struggles of the people through brute force,
but were, on the contrary, swept away by the high tide of people’s
resistance. People, who are the makers of history, will rise up like a
tornado under our party’s leadership to wipe out the reactionary blood-
sucking vampires ruling our country.

Q Why do you think the CPI (Maoist) suffered a serious setback in
Andhra Pradesh?

A It was due to several mistakes on our part that we suffered a
serious setback in most of Andhra Pradesh by 2006. At the same time,
we should also look at the setback from another angle. In any
protracted people’s war, there will be advances and retreats. If we
look at the situation in Andhra Pradesh from this perspective, you
will understand that what we did there is a kind of retreat.
Confronted with a superior force, we chose to temporarily retreat our
forces from some regions of Andhra Pradesh, extend and develop our
bases in the surrounding regions and then hit back at the enemy.

Now even though we received a setback, it should be borne in mind that
this setback is a temporary one. The objective conditions in which our
revolution began in Andhra Pradesh have not undergone any basic
change. This very fact continues to serve as the basis for the growth
and intensification of our movement. Moreover, we now have a more
consolidated mass base, a relatively better-trained people’s guerilla
army and an all-India party with deep roots among the basic classes
who comprise the backbone of our revolution. This is the reason why
the reactionary rulers are unable to suppress our revolutionary war,
which is now raging in several states in the country.

We had taken appropriate lessons from the setback suffered by our
party in Andhra Pradesh and, based on these lessons, drew up tactics
in other states. Hence we are able to fight back the cruel all-round
offensive of the enemy effectively, inflict significant losses on the
enemy, preserve our subjective forces, consolidate our party, develop
a people’s liberation guerilla army, establish embryonic forms of new
democratic people’s governments in some pockets, and take the people’s
war to a higher stage. Hence we have an advantageous situation,
overall, for reviving the movement in Andhra Pradesh. Our revolution
advances wave-like and periods of ebb yield place to periods of high
tide.

Q What are the reasons for the setback suffered by the LTTE in Sri
Lanka?

A There is no doubt that the movement for a separate sovereign Tamil
Eelam has suffered a severe setback with the defeat and considerable
decimation of the LTTE. The Tamil people and the national liberation
forces are now leaderless. However, the Tamil people at large continue
to cherish nationalist aspirations for a separate Tamil homeland. The
conditions that gave rise to the movement for Tamil Eelam, in the
first place, prevail to this day. The Sinhala-chauvinist Sri Lankan
ruling classes can never change their policy of discrimination against
the Tamil nation, its culture, language, etcetera. The jingoistic
rallies and celebrations organised by the government and Sinhala
chauvinist parties all over Sri Lanka in the wake of Prabhakaran’s
death and the defeat of the LTTE show the national hatred for Tamils
nurtured by Sinhala organisations and the extent to which the minds of
ordinary Sinhalese are poisoned with such chauvinist frenzy.

The conspiracy of the Sinhala ruling classes in occupying Tamil
territories is similar to that of the Zionist rulers of Israel. The
land-starved Sinhala people will now be settled in Tamil areas. The
entire demography of the region is going to change. The ground remains
fertile for the resurgence of the Tamil liberation struggle.

Even if it takes time, the war for a separate Tamil Eelam is certain
to revive, taking lessons from the defeat of the LTTE. By adopting a
proletarian outlook and ideology, adopting new tactics and building
the broadest united front of all nationalist and democratic forces, it
is possible to achieve the liberation of the oppressed Tamil nation
[in Sri Lanka]. Maoist forces have to grow strong enough to provide
leadership and give a correct direction and anti-imperialist
orientation to this struggle to achieve a sovereign People’s
Democratic Republic of Tamil Eelam. This alone can achieve the genuine
liberation of the Tamil nation in Sri Lanka.

Q Is it true that you received military training from the LTTE
initially?

A No. It is not a fact. We had clarified this several times in the
past.

Q But, one of your senior commanders has told me that some senior
cadre of the erstwhile PWG did receive arms training and other support
from the LTTE.

A Let me reiterate, there is no relation at all between our party and
the LTTE. We tried several times to establish relations with the LTTE
but its leadership was reluctant to have a relationship with Maoists
in India. Hence, there is no question of the LTTE giving training to
us. In spite of it, we continued our support to the struggle for Tamil
Eelam. However, a few persons who had separated from the LTTE came
into our contact and we took their help in receiving initial training
in the last quarter of the 1980s.

Q Does your party have links with Lashkar-e-Toiba or other Islamic
militant groups having links with Pakistan?

A No. Not at all. This is only mischievous, calculated propaganda by
the police officials, bureaucrats and leaders of the reactionary
political parties to defame us and thereby justify their cruel
offensive against the Maoist movement. By propagating the lie that our
party has links with groups linked to Pakistan’s ISI, the reactionary
rulers of our country want to prove that we too are terrorists and
gain legitimacy for their brutal terror campaign against Maoists and
the people in the areas of armed agrarian struggle. Trying to prove
the involvement of a foreign hand in every just and democratic
struggle, branding those fighting for the liberation of the oppressed
as traitors to the country, is part of the psychological-war of the
reactionary rulers.

Q What is your party’s stand regarding Islamist jihadist movements?

A Islamic jihadist movements of today are a product of imperialist—
particularly US imperialist—aggression, intervention, bullying,
exploitation and suppression of the oil-rich Islamic and Arab
countries of West Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, etcetera, and
the persecution of the entire Muslim religious community. As part of
their designs for global hegemony, the imperialists, particularly US
imperialists, have encouraged and endorsed every war of brazen
aggression and brutal attacks by their surrogate state of Israel.

Our party unequivocally opposes every attack on Arab and Muslim
countries and the Muslim community at large in the name of ‘war on
global terror’. In fact, Muslim religious fundamentalism is encouraged
and fostered by imperialists as long as it serves their interests—such
as in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries, and Kuwait, Afghanistan,
Iraq, Pakistan.

Q But what about attacks perpetrated by the so-called ‘Jihadis’ on
innocent people like it happened on 26/11?

A See, Islamic jihadist movements have two aspects: one is their anti-
imperialist aspect, and the other their reactionary aspect in social
and cultural matters. Our party supports the struggle of Muslim
countries and people against imperialism, while criticising and
struggling against the reactionary ideology and social outlook of
Muslim fundamentalism. It is only Maoist leadership that can provide
correct anti-imperialist orientation and achieve class unity among
Muslims as well as people of other religious persuasions. The
influence of Muslim fundamentalist ideology and leadership will
diminish as communist revolutionaries and other democratic-secular
forces increase their ideological influence over the Muslim masses. As
communist revolutionaries, we always strive to reduce the influence of
the obscurantist reactionary ideology and outlook of the mullahs and
maulvis on the Muslim masses, while uniting with all those fighting
against the common enemy of the world people—that is, imperialism,
particularly American imperialism.

Q How do you look at the changes in US policy after Barack Obama took
over from George Bush?

A Firstly, one would be living in a fool’s paradise if one imagines
that there is going to be any qualitative change in American policy—
whether internal or external—after Barack Obama took over from George
Bush. In fact, the policies on national security and foreign affairs
pursued by Obama over the past eight months have shown the essential
continuity with those of his predecessor. The ideological and
political justification for these regressive policies at home and
aggressive policies abroad is the same trash put forth by the Bush
administration—the so-called ‘global war on terror’, based on outright
lies and slander. Worse still, the policies have become even more
aggressive under Obama with his planned expansion of the US-led war of
aggression in Afghanistan into the territory of Pakistan. The hands of
this new killer-in-chief of the pack of imperialist wolves are already
stained with the blood of hundreds of women and children who are
cruelly murdered in relentless missile attacks from Predator drones in
Afghanistan and Pakistan. And, within the US itself, bail-outs for the
tiny corporate elite and attacks on democratic and human rights of US
citizens continue without any change.

The oppressed people and nations of the world are now confronting an
even more formidable and dangerous enemy in the form of an African-
American president of the most powerful military machine and world
gendarme. The world people should unite to wage a more relentless,
more militant and more consistent struggle against the American
marauders led by Barack Obama and pledge to defeat them to usher in a
world of peace, stability and genuine democracy.

Q How do you look at the current developments in Nepal?

A As soon as the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) [CPN(M)] came to
power in alliance with the comprador-feudal parties through the
parliamentary route in Nepal, we had pointed out the grave danger of
imperialist and Indian expansionist intervention in Nepal and how they
would leave no stone unturned to overthrow the government led by CPN
(M). As long as Prachanda did not defy the directives of the Indian
Government, it was allowed to continue, but when it began to go
against Indian hegemony, it was immediately pulled down. CPN-UML
withdrew support to the Prachanda-led government upon the advice of
American imperialists and Indian expansionists. We disagreed with the
line of peaceful transition pursued by the UCPN(M) in the name of
tactics. We decided to send an open letter to the UCPN(M). It was
released in July 2009.

We made our party’s stand clear in the letter. We pointed out that the
UCPN(M) chose to reform the existing State through an elected
constituent assembly and a bourgeois democratic republic instead of
adhering to the Marxist-Leninist understanding on the imperative to
smash the old State and establish a proletarian State. This would have
been the first step towards the goal of achieving socialism through
the radical transformation of society and all oppressive class
relations. It is indeed a great tragedy that the UCPN(M) has chosen to
abandon the path of protracted people’s war and pursue a parliamentary
path in spite of having de facto power in most of the countryside.

It is heartening to hear that a section of the leadership of the UCPN
(M) has begun to struggle against the revisionist positions taken by
Comrade Prachanda and others. Given the great revolutionary traditions
of the UCPN(M), we hope that the inner-party struggle will repudiate
the right opportunist line pursued by its leadership, give up
revisionist stands and practices, and apply minds creatively to the
concrete conditions of Nepal.

Q Of late, the party has suffered serious losses of party leadership
at the central and state level. Besides, it is widely believed that
some of the senior-most Maoist leaders, including you, have become
quite old and suffer from serious illnesses, which is also cited as
one of the reasons for the surrenders. What is the effect of the
losses and surrenders on the movement? How are you dealing with
problems arising out of old age and illnesses?

A (Smiles…) This type of propaganda is being carried out continuously,
particularly by the Special Intelligence Branch (SIB) of Andhra
Pradesh. It is a part of the psychological war waged by intelligence
officials and top police brass aimed at confusing and demoralising
supporters of the Maoist movement. It is a fact that some of the party
leaders at the central and state level could be described as senior
citizens according to criteria used by the government, that is, those
who have crossed the threshold of 60 years. You can start calling me
too a senior citizen in a few months (smiles). But old age and ill-
health have never been a serious problem in our party until now. You
can see the ‘senior citizens’ in our party working for 16-18 hours a
day and covering long distances on foot.As for surrenders, it is a big
lie to say that old age and ill-health have been a reason for some of
the surrenders.

When Lanka Papi Reddy, a former member of our central committee,
surrendered in the beginning of last year, the media propagated that
more surrenders of our party leaders will follow due to ill-health.
The fact is that Papi Reddy surrendered due to his loss of political
conviction and his petty-bourgeois false prestige and ego. Hence he
was not prepared to face the party after he was demoted by the central
committee for his anarchic behaviour with a woman comrade.

Some senior leaders of our party, like comrades Sushil Roy and Narayan
Sanyal, had become a nightmare for the ruling classes even when they
were in their mid 60s. Hence they were arrested, tortured and
imprisoned despite their old age and ill-health. The Government is
doing everything possible to prevent them from getting bail. Even if
someone in our party is old, he/she continues to serve the revolution
by doing whatever work possible. For instance, Comrade Niranjan Bose,
who died recently at the age of 92, had been carrying out
revolutionary propaganda until his martyrdom. The social fascist
rulers were so scared of this nonagenarian Maoist revolutionary that
they had even arrested him four years back. Such is the spirit of
Maoist revolutionaries—and power of the ideology of Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism which they hold high. When there are serious illnesses, or
physical and mental limitations to perform normal work, such comrades
are given suitable work.

Q But what about the arrests and elimination of some of your senior
leadership? How do you intend to fill up such losses?

A Well, it is a fact that we lost some senior leaders at the state and
central level in the past four or five years. Some leaders were
secretly arrested and murdered in the most cowardly manner. Many other
and state leaders were arrested and placed behind bars in the recent
past in Jharkhand, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, West Bengal,
Maharashtra, Haryana and other states. The loss of leadership will
have a grave impact on the party and Indian revolution as a whole. We
are reviewing the reasons for the losses regularly and devising ways
and means to prevent further losses. By adopting strictly secret
methods of functioning and foolproof underground mechanisms, by
enhancing our mass base, vigilance and local intelligence, smashing
enemy intelligence networks and studying their plans and tactics, we
hope to check further losses. At the same time, we are training and
developing new revolutionary leadership at all levels to fill up the
losses.

Q How do you sum up the present stage of war between your forces and
those of the Indian State?

A Our war is in the stage of strategic defence. In some regions, we
have an upper hand, while in others the enemy has the upper hand.
Overall, our forces have been quite successful in carrying out a
series of tactical counter-offensive operations against the enemy in
our guerilla zones in the past few years.

It is true that our party has suffered some serious leadership losses,
but we are able to inflict serious losses on the enemy too. In fact,
in the past three years, the enemy forces suffered more casualties
than we did. The enemy has been trying all means at their disposal to
weaken, disrupt and crush our party and movement. They have tried
covert agents and informers, poured in huge amounts of money to buy
off weak elements in the revolutionary camp, and announced a series of
rehabilitation packages and other material incentives to lure away
people from the revolutionary camp. Thousands of crores of rupees have
been sanctioned for police modernisation, training and for raising
additional commando forces; for increasing Central forces; for
training Central and state forces in counter-insurgency warfare; and
for building roads, communication networks and other infrastructure
for the rapid movement of their troops in our guerilla zones. The
Indian State has set up armed vigilante groups and provided total
support to the indescribable atrocities committed by these armed gangs
on the people. Psychological warfare against Maoists was taken to
unheard of levels.

Nevertheless, we continued to make greater advances, consolidated the
party and the revolutionary people’s committees at various levels,
strengthened the PLGA qualitatively and quantitatively, smashed the
enemy’s intelligence network in several areas, effectively countered
the dirty psychological-war waged by the enemy, and foiled the enemy’s
all-out attempts to disrupt and smash our movement. The successes we
had achieved in several tactical counter-offensive operations carried
out across the country in recent days, the militant mass movements in
several states, particularly against displacement and other burning
issues of the people, initiatives taken by our revolutionary people’s
governments in various spheres—all these have had a great impact on
the people, while demoralising enemy forces. There are reports of
desertions and disobedience of orders by the jawans posted in Maoist-
dominated areas. Quite a few have refused to undertake training in
jungle warfare or take postings in our areas, and had to face
suspension. This trend will grow with the further advance of our
people’s war. Overall, our party’s influence has grown stronger and it
has now come to be recognised as the only genuine alternative before
the people.

Q How long will this stage of strategic defence last, with the Centre
ready to go for the jugular?

A The present stage of strategic defence will last for some more time.
It is difficult to predict how long it will take to pass this stage
and go to the stage of strategic equilibrium or strategic stalemate.
It depends on the transformation of our guerilla zones into base
areas, creation of more guerilla zones and red resistance areas across
the country, the development of our PLGA. With the ever-intensifying
crisis in all spheres due to the anti-people policies of pro-
imperialist, pro-feudal governments, the growing frustration and anger
of the masses resulting from the most rapacious policies of loot and
plunder pursued by the reactionary ruling classes, we are confident
that the vast masses of the country will join the ranks of
revolutionaries and take the Indian revolution to the next stage.

Source: 1, 2

History!fail, future!fail, and general, large amounts of fail from the
government and everyone involved, including a growing number of
Indians whose lives are far removed from the sort of ground realities
that sustain a Maoist - MAOIST! - armed revolution; so far removed, as
a matter of fact, that the idea of going to war with your own people
becomes not only thinkable but also justifiable. While parts of this
interview are highly highly cool story bro, there are others that are
a stark reminder of just how many people in the world's largest
democracy and one of its fastest-growing economies don't benefit from
it in the slightest.

(1 comment) - (Post a new comment)

fenris_lorsrai
2009-10-20 06:41 pm UTC (link)

Wow, this is disturbing. This seems like it could easily turn into an
absolute meatgrinder that lasts for decades but barely ever makes it
on the news.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-20 21:21:15 UTC
Permalink
http://www.asianetindia.com/news/killed-maoist-attack-jharkhand_91816.html

Three killed in Maoist attack in Jharkhand

Chatra (Jharkhand), Tuesday 20 October 2009: Three persons, including
the head of a naxal outfit, were killed and six others critically
injured when Maoists attacked at Rajpur in the district in the early
hours on Tuesday.

The dead, identified as Umesh Mali, head of a naxal outfit ‘Sastra
People’s Morcha’ (SPM), Umesh Singh Bhokta, a local leader of Lok
Janshakti Party and Ranjit Rajjak, were watching a cultural programme
near Rajpur Middle School around 2 a.m., when a group of armed Maoists
fired on them, District Superintendent of Police Deo Bihari Sharma
said here.

The condition of all the injured, including a police driver, is stated
to be critical, he said.

The CPI (Maoist) is involved in a turf war with SPM, the Jharkhand
Prastuti Samiti and the Tritiya Prastuti Samiti.
(Agency)

By KOL News , Written on October 20, 2009

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-20 21:53:32 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/westbengal/Use-of-force-against-democratic-movement-fruitless-Kishenji/467362/H1-Article1-467427.aspx

Use of force against 'democratic movement' fruitless: Kishenji

Press Trust Of India
Kolkata, October 21, 2009

First Published: 01:04 IST(21/10/2009)
Last Updated: 01:05 IST(21/10/2009)

With the Centre contemplating action against Maoists, its leader
Kishenji on Tuesday said it was for the West Bengal and the Union
governments to understand that use of force against "a democratic
movement" was fruitless.

"Ours is one of the biggest ever operations against the state
government. It will continue till the state and the Union governments
understand that force is not the way to throttle a democratic
movement," Kishenji told PTI over phone from an undisclosed location.

Claiming responsibility for the attack on a police station in West
Midnapore district in which two police officers were killed, he warned
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Union Home minister P Chidambaram,
Congress President Sonia Gandhi and Chief Minister Buddhadeb
Bhattacharjee against taking up such an action.

"They will have to take the responsibility," Kishenji said.

He also said Union ministers from the West Bengal, including Railway
Minister Mamata Banerjee, "have to take the responsibility".

Asked if their attack was targeted against the anti-Maoist operations
in the district by the joint forces, Kishenji said, "It is not only
against the offensive by joint forces, but also against the
mobilisation of forces in seven states including West Bengal, Bihar,
Orissa, Jharkhand, Chattishgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra." MORE
PTI SAG PC Kishenji also defended the loot of arms and ammunition from
the police station, saying, "We need arms. We entered Sankrail police
station to secure arms.

"We are trying to create a third line of defence for which we need
arms. There is a shortage of arms and we have to resort to loot."

He claimed that it was not the intention of the Maoists to kill police
officers. "They opened fire on us. We had to defend ourselves. We only
kill to defend ourselves."

He also said the attack on the police station which did not fall in a
Maois- dominated area, was carried out as a warning against
encirclement by security forces.

Maoists, including six women, barged into Sankrail police station and
killed the second officer Dibakar Bhattacharya and kidnapped ASI
Swapan Roy, who was later found dead, and officer-in-charge
Atindranath Dutta.

The Maoists then looted arms from the police station and Rs ten lakh
from a nearby bank.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-21 12:56:06 UTC
Permalink
http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/up-set-to-buy-chopper-to-tackle-naxals/531173/

UP set to buy chopper to tackle Naxals
Bhupendra Pandey
Posted: Oct 21, 2009 at 0145 hrs IST

Lucknow The Uttar Pradesh Police is set to acquire Dhruv — an advanced
light helicopter — for aerial surveillance in Naxal-affected areas,
quick movement of commando units and evacuation of injured people. The
helicopter will cost around Rs 25 crore.

Built by Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd, the helicopter has a capacity to
carry nine passengers. But after making certain changes, it can carry
12 people. During relief and rescue operations, it can accommodate two
stretchers and four medical personnel, said an official.

State DGP Karamvir Singh said, “The helicopter will soon be handed
over to the state police. Its availability will help specialised
forces to quicken their response during emergency situations.”

The ADG (Law and Order), A K Jain, said the order to purchase the
helicopter has already been placed and the state Civil Aviation
department is looking into the purchase procedure.

“The main purpose of getting the helicopter is to strengthen vigilance
in the Naxal-affected areas of Uttar Pradesh. An aerial watch on the
jungles will help the forces to target the Naxals,” Jain said.

The Ministry of Home Affairs has been in touch with the Air Force,
seeking help of their helicopters for aerial surveillance in the Naxal-
affected states and assistance in relief and rescue operations.
Speaking about the anti-Naxal strategy in the state, the DGP said:
“Earlier, the Uttar Pradesh Police had developed a relaxed approach
towards the Naxal problem, with a notion that the ultras are active in
adjacent states and not intruding in our jurisdiction.” But, Naxal
groups have been spreading their network consistently and
strengthening their combat power. They suddenly appear and cause a
major loss to the state machinery and lives of police personnel, he
added.

“This is high time the UP Police change their view that merely three
districts — Chandauli, Mirzapur and Sonbhadra — are Naxal-affected
areas,” Singh said. Areas bordering Madhya Pradesh in Mahoba and
Chitrakoot districts of UP have become new targets for the Naxals.
They are targetting the oppressed sections in these districts for
fresh recruitment,” the DGP added.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-21 15:17:07 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/341331_Karna-CM-asks-police-to-curb-terrorism-and-naxal-menace


Karna CM asks police to curb terrorism and naxal menace
STAFF WRITER 20:32 HRS IST

Bangalore, Oct 21 (PTI) Karnataka Chief Minister B S Yeddyurappa today
asked the state police to curb terror groups and naxal menace which
was on the rise.

Speaking at the Police Commemoration Day Parade here, he asserted that
terror groups, anti-national elements, naxals as well as foreign
nationals, who stay back despite expiry of their visas, should be
dealt with an "iron hand".

Yeddyurappa said the government would offer its "full support" to the
police force in tackling crime which was on the "rise". The department
should ensure that anyone who violates the law is brought to book.

Yeddyurappa lauded the efforts made by the police during recent
devastating floods that left 229 dead.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-21 19:12:41 UTC
Permalink
http://www.centralchronicle.com/viewnews.asp?articleID=17393

Kidnapped policeman is prisoner of war, say Naxals
Category » News Flash Posted On Wednesday, October 21, 2009
Agencies

Kolkata, Oct 21:

The family of a policeman who was kidnapped on Tuesday by Naxals has
met the West Bengal Chief Minister to ask for help.

Indrani, the wife of the kidnapped officer, said that they have
conveyed to the chief minister the Naxals' demand that women arrested
by joint forces in West Midnapore be released immediately.

Dutta's father, who along with the abducted officer's 2-year-old
daughter also met the CM, said they have been given an assurance that
the government is looking into the matter.

Atindranath Dutta was taken hostage by a hundred armed Naxals who shot
dead two other officers on duty at the Sankrail Police Station in West
Midnapore. The Naxal attack was led by women. Dutta was blindfolded
and forced onto a motorcycle, after which the Naxals rode away.

Speaking to NDTV, Naxal leader Kishanji says Dutta will be treated
like a Prisoner of War, and will not be harmed. The Naxals say they
will release the policeman in return for Chattradhar Mahato, who was
arrested by the police last month. Mahato is one of the leaders of the
People's Committee Against Police Atrocities. He has been leading the
rebellion in Lalgarh against the government. Naxals claim this
movement supports the rights of tribals in the area.

The attack on the police station in Sankrail followed a bank robbery
by Naxals in the area. They stole 9 lakh in cash from the local branch
of the State Bank of India, and then rushed to the police station
nearby.

Even as that attack unfolded, Home Minister P Chidamabaram said the
government is willing to enter a dialogue with Naxals if they swear
off violent attacks.

Maoists blast school building
Banka, Oct 21:

Maoists blew up a state-run primary school at Gerua village in Bihar's
Banka district in the wee hours on Wednesday. So far no casualties
have been reported.

Over 100 ultras surrounded the building at around 2.30 am and used
dynamites to trigger the explosion, police said. The roofs of the
three-room school caved in due to the explosion.

The school was adjacent to the Sangrampur block office which was blown
up by the Maoists last week.

The district administration had earlier planned to set up a police
post at the school. Senior officials reached the spot and combing
operation was on in the area.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-21 20:03:52 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/News-Feed/india/CD-revealing-deadly-Naxalite-tactics-seized/Article1-467765.aspx

CD revealing deadly Naxalite tactics seized
Bibhas Bhattacharyya , Hindustan Times
Kolkata, October 22, 2009

First Published: 00:37 IST(22/10/2009)
Last Updated: 00:51 IST(22/10/2009)

A Maoist kangaroo court handing down death sentences, beheaded bodies
of those sentenced, the Maoist big chief and his deputy addressing the
“party congress”, armed hordes of Lalgarh saluting their “martyrs” and
an authentic Maoist wedding — HT is in possession of a CD containing
these and other never-seen-before images of Maoists in their
hideouts.

The police would not disclose when the CD was seized. But it is the
only one available with authorities that shows what top two Maoist
leaders look like, offers deep insights into the brutal, shadowy world
of the Maoists, who wield considerable influence in 161 of India’s 626
districts across nine states.

Among the clips in the CD are speeches by CPI (Maoist) general
secretary Ganapati, alias Mupalla Laxman Rao alias Chandrasekhar, 50,
and his second-in-command Prashanta Bose alias Kishenda alias Nirbhay
Mukherjee, 72.

Ganapati is seen addressing the party congress in Hindi, while
Kishenda is seen speaking in Bengal-accented Hindi.

A senior police official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the
speeches were made at the CPI (Maoist)’s ninth congress in 2007, the
first since the CPI(ML), People’s War and Maoist Coordination
Committee of India merged in 2004.

The CD also contains chilling images of “undertrials” being “tried” by
“people’s courts”, a “convict” being led away by gun-toting
militiamen, another “convict” about to be covered by a blanket just
before execution.

It contains a gory still photograph of a beheaded figure and another
of a beheaded man, his head placed on the blood-smeared ground
slightly away from his body. HT has withheld publication of these
photos as they are extremely disturbing.

The top police officer said the “execution” photos were shot in
Lalgarh in 2009, when the Maoists had killed several CPI(M) workers.

“The pictures prove these ‘people’s courts’ are real, and that
‘executions’ are carried out in broad daylight,” he said.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-21 21:52:48 UTC
Permalink
http://blogs.intoday.in/index.php?option=com_myblog&contentid=61536&show=Why-a-Operation-green-hunta-will-fail.html&blogs=2

Mera INDIA Mahan!
Why Operation Green Hunt will fail

The government says there is no 'war' against Naxals - yet it's
preparing for one. However, Operation Green Hunt is a disaster in the
making. Why? Because the government has so far failed to identify the
root of the Naxal problem - namely itself.

As with numbers - P. Chidambaram has his way with words too. "We do
not wage war against our own people," said the enlightened Home
Minister; this even after it became evident that the Naxals were on a
warpath against the Union of India, their orgy of mass killings and
beheadings continuing unabated. But away from the preying microphones,
the minister wasn't exactly walking the talk; on the contrary, he was
busy charting out the largest military operation against the Naxals
ever undertaken by any government.

True that Chidambaram's ambitious plan of a virtual blitzkrieg against
the Naxals was pruned down by the CCS - but even in its abridged form,
it's a mobilization of massive proportions. Sample this - New Delhi is
sending 27,000 troops to the Naxal-hit areas, six (or more) Mi-17
choppers will provide air support (with special forces guards on
board), a special forces school and a brigade HQ to be set up in
Chhattisgarh (add to this, the local state forces and specialized anti-
Naxal forces who will join in). The Home Minister might not want to
admit it - but the 'war' it's denying is set to break out in November.

The first theatre of action is likely to be Gadchiroli in Maharashtra
and Kanker in Chhattisgarh. Forces will try to push the Maoists into
'Abuj Marh' (literally 'unknown jungle' in the local dialect) area of
Chhattisgarh, an old Maoist stronghold, and it's here that Naxals are
trained to this day. It's here where the decisive battle may be
fought. Now all this sounds great on paper - but the only problem is
that - the forces don't know who they are supposed to be fighting
against. Since the distinction between a Maoist and a tribal is vague
- the job of dealing with them becomes all the more challenging. So it
brings us to three questions that must be answered by the government,
before any more blood is spilt.

First Question- Will 'Operation Green Hunt' be successful?
Honestly the answer is a big NO. Call me a Naxal sympathizer, but like
me, if you ever face the brutal wrath of the local police in heartland
India - your world view will witness a paradigm shift within seconds.
I was in West Bengal last July - covering the offensive launched by
the state administration to counter the Naxals in Lalgarh. It was
here, during one of the shoots that my cameraperson and I were chased
down a road in Midnapore district by the West Bengal police and hit
with sticks.

Our crime??? We had dared to shoot the police breaking down doors and
hauling up village youngsters for 'questioning'. (What happens in
these 'questionings' I don't need to tell you) When journalists could
be treated like dogs by the police - I began to grasp the plight of
the local villagers who don't have a voice - or redressal system of
any sort. The moral of the story is very simple - between the two
evils of Naxalism and Police, the tribals choose the former. At least
Naxals don't rape, maim and kill without reason.

Second Question - Who started the Fire?
There is little debate that the government did; and every time we
refer to the Naxals as a 'menace' we add credence to the theory that
Naxals are some sort of alien virus that came and ravaged our
picturesque countryside that was otherwise peaceful, plentiful and
prosperous.

Let me make it clear, I abhor the mindless philosophy of the Naxals
and their warped world view - but unlike a myopic government I also
see Naxalism as a manifestation of popular discontent - created by the
laxities in the system. Sadly, Naxalism has thrived because these
glaring shortcomings have not been addressed.

The Home Minister says that he will follow a 'clear and hold' policy -
which in less flashy terms - means that once the area has been cleared
of Naxals, the government will provide development to the area. It's a
brilliant idea - only if it had struck the government in the course of
the last 62 years, then things would not have come to such a head.
It's ironic, but the Naxal 'menace' may finally bring some development
to these impoverished regions of India.

On my tour of Lalgarh, this is one saying that I came across time and
again - "That in the night if you hold your hand to your face in this
region, you would not be able to see it. It's so dark." This axiom
actually hits home the point of how backward (or pitch dark) many
regions of this nation can be. Here Sensex, Liberalization, Nuclear
Deal, etc don't mean a thing- because words like Education, Clean
Water, Medicines and Property Rights are still struggling to make
inroads. The mandarins in North Block need to see the abject condition
of the tribals and the exploitation of the villagers in heartland
India to appreciate why tribals support the Maoists.

Why would tribals armed with ancient bows and arrows want to take on
the might of state and central paramilitary forces in Lalgarh and
elsewhere? Either they are crazy or their levels of desperation are
such that they don't mind dying. Sadly the government thinks that the
tribals must be crazy.

Third Question - What is the course of action to follow then?
Well to begin with, stop foolhardy adventurism against the Naxals. A
little respect for your enemy enables you to plot a faster and more
comprehensive win. For instance, the government thought (foolishly)
that arming villagers against Naxals was a brilliant idea...now after
years of denying it - the government admits that the Salva Judum ended
up doing more harm than good. Even the NHRC notes that Judum members
along with security forces were responsible for "widespread arson,
rape, forced disappearances, suspect encounters and extrajudicial
killings".

Once the forces have learnt to give some respect to the lives of
people - work can start to give them some fundamental rights and
development too. The corrupt administration has to be revamped to
usher in progress at the grassroots level. Poor governance resulted in
the rise of Naxalism, that's a fact that even the government has
accepted now. End of debate.

The Tribal Bill exists only on paper - states like Jharkhand,
Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh have not even acted on it. When you
don't give a tribal his basic rights and tell him to stay away from
the forests that he's always depended on - you are effectively making
him a Naxal sympathizer/Naxalite - it would be interesting to see how
the government wants to combat this situation with FORCE.

True that these measures will take time - but then the problem was not
created overnight, six decades of neglect cannot be swept away with
one security sweep. The Home Minister perhaps should know this by now.

And talking about security sweep - the most decisive push against the
Naxals till now had been Lalgarh. The Lalgarh experiment was even
described as a success in many quarters. It certainly did not look
like a success to me when I was there - and certainly doesn't look
like one when I study data coming out of the region.

For instance - since June 18, 2009 (when the Naxals had been pushed
out of the region)

- 82 people killed (of course most of them CPM cadres)
- 15 CPM offices ransacked in broad daylight
- 100 houses (again mostly of CPM cadres) ransacked / burnt
- Thousands of people chased away from their homes.

If this is the situation AFTER the security crackdown - the efficacy
of force becomes only too obvious. The government should use force
where it works - namely along the borders. Here it should use its
head.

October 20, 2009 Posted by Akash Banerjee

About the blog: Mera INDIA Mahan!

Crorepati politicians, Lakhtakiya cars, Chor Policemen, Secular
Dangas… Mera INDIA Mahan takes a hard look at the paradox that is
India and poses some questions that the aam aadmi would like answers
to.

About Akash Banerjee

When the verbal diarrhoea goes untreated, the writing kicks in. Akash
brings in his keen sense of observation and acerbic tongue to this
blog. Akash attempts to be stingingly relevant without being too
serious. Be it the focus issue on the Inside Story or his latest field
assignment - Akash sticks to the news without the preaching. Clear
hai?

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-21 21:56:31 UTC
Permalink
http://kafila.org/2009/10/22/complicating-the-naxalite-debate/

Posted by: prashantjha | October 22, 2009

Complicating the ‘Naxalite’ debate

(An edited version of this piece appeared as the cover story in Himal
Southasian in December 2007.

The report is based on travels across Andhra to Bihar in October of
the same year. At a time when most of the media is pushing the same
binaries we must avoid, this may help in conveying the enormous
complexity of the issue. Some facts may be outdated, and Kafila
readers will be more familiar with certain issues like Salwa Judum
than this reporter, but the broad argument may still have some
relevance. I will follow this up with posts on the Nepali process and
Indian Naxalites.)

A people’s movement. The greatest internal security challenge.
Struggle for the rights of the poor, tribals, Dalits, landless.
Compact Revolutionary Zone with influence in almost 200 districts. A
socio economic problem rooted in exploitation and idealism. A law and
order threat . True people’s democracy. A criminal, authoritarian and
opportunistic outfit. The revolution will smash the Indian state. The
Maoists are ants and can be crushed anytime .

Neat black and white portrayals have come to characterise one of the
most complex stories of our times. The Naxal as the saviour and the
state as the oppressor. The state as protector and Naxal as the
villain. Numbers and scale of action act as the judge of Maoist spread
and activity. 1608 incidents of Naxalite violence and 677 people
killed in 2005; 1509 incidents and 678 killed in 2006; 249 persons
killed till June 2007.
But this narrative hides more than it tells. Like the fact that there
is possibly no one Naxalite movement in India, neither is there a
unified and organised state response. The Communist Party of India
(Maoist), born in 2004 after the unity of the People’s War Group and
the Maoist Communist Centre, leads the Maoist movement. It spreads
across several states in varying degrees, and has a common political
and military outlook. The movement is clearly national in character;
the party is organised with a command structure and the aim of taking
over state power. Connecting the dots to address the issue at the
national level in Delhi is important for any sustainable way out.

Yet, the Naxalite movement looks different in Hyderbabad, Raipur,
Ranchi, and Patna. Go further deep in each state and Warangal,
Dantewada, Hazaribagh, and Jehanabad – datelines that punctuate
India’s Naxal war – have more than their share of differences. Like
any other political formation, it may be natural that the Maoists
adapt themselves to specific set of dynamics. But the stark variations
assume added significance. They pose difficult questions for those who
portray it as a single movement that will destroy the Indian state and
those who advocate any homogenised approach to deal with the issue.

Across Andhra Pradesh, there is a large degree of sympathy for the
Maoists, yet today they face their most severe setback in this
traditional southern bastion. There has been a massive escalation of
violence and conflict in Chhatisgarh due to a flawed and brutal
government strategy. In Jharkhand, a powerful but degenerated Maoist
movement coupled with a corrupt and inert state has made life
miserable and dangerous for citizens. The most powerful critique of
armed Maoists comes from other ultra-left Naxalite groups in Bihar.
The local politician-police-business-media lobby is exploitative, but
there is a more intriguing Naxalite-mainstream politician and Naxalite-
big business nexus that characterises the political landscape in
places. In this almost incomprehensible maze, all that a visual
footage driven media reveals are shots of sporadic armed attacks. All
that a one-dimensional narrative provides is a simplified image of a
Maoist party at war with a coherent Indian state.

What is certain however is that activities and strength of the CPI
(Maoist) have increased in the past few years, particularly in the
resource-rich states of central and eastern India. Inequitable
government policies, absence of justice, land issues, a weak and
corrupt administration, dearth of political actors who channelise
people’s concerns on the ground, forced displacement and insensitivity
to non violent movements have all contributed to creating space for an
armed outfit that questions the legitimacy of the political system.
There is little doubt that the Maoists gain initial popularity by
raising concerns of the poorest and most exploited. But it takes them
little time to evolve into a dictatorial power structure with enormous
vested interests, and elements of corruption, brutality, and mindless
violence thrown in.

The Indian state is a divided house and there is no one standard
threat perception of Naxalites. For the Prime Minister, left-wing
extremism is the gravest internal security challenge; for a home
ministry official in Delhi, the Naxal problem can easily be managed if
states get their act together. A Raipur bureaucrat thinks if the
central government decides to use force, the Naxals can be crushed in
one minute. The local administration, according to a Jharkhand
district police official, is only a temporary barrier for the Maoists
who will continue to grow if politicians don’t stand up. In the
calculations of a Hyderbabad top cop, all it requires is a specialised
force and good intelligence to defeat the rebels who are like a
disease. Naxalites are working according to a plan, and there will be
an explosion of violence in a few years across India, warns a Delhi
security analyst. For a Dantewada politician, Naxalism is a threat to
his life but also his moment to emerge in the limelight as a defender
of the Indian state.

In this flurry of voices, often at odds, the government neither has a
uniform view of how strong is the Naxalite ‘threat’, nor an effective
plan to deal with it. Sometimes, it suits politicians and officials to
exaggerate the Naxal ‘menace’, for it becomes a pretext to ask for
more funds and justify repression. At other times, it is more
convenient to downplay the issue to convey a sense of success in
dealing with it. On paper, the state vacillates between treating it as
a socio-economic issue as well as a law and order problem. In
practice, it relies almost exclusively on a police solution, and even
that is badly planned and executed. Strikingly, there is no mention in
government documents or even left-liberal discourse of the one
critical element that is necessary to deal with Naxalism – local-level
political management.

Fundamentally, engagement between the state and Naxals can yield
little. The Maoists have no faith in the present constitution or state
structure; the state has no time and space for those who seek to
destroy it with arms. But what is needed is introspection. The
government must realise this is a political movement stemming from
genuine grievances that cannot be crushed and its own policies provide
ammunition for rebellion; the Naxalites need to know that despite some
increase in strength, taking over even a district headquarter, let
alone a state capital is not easy, and those who are suffering the
most are the poor who they claim to represent. Obvious facts, but the
lack of rethinking on both sides gives rise to suspicions that neither
is interested in a solution. Yet, it remains the only way to enable a
basic level of dialogue on issues raised by Naxals which do fall
within the constitutional framework, and an agreement to minimise loss
of lives.

The Machiavellian southern state

Andhra Pradesh will remain etched in any account of the Maoist
movement. From the first ultra-left rebellion against the Indian state
in Telangana six decades back to being the hub of Naxalite activity
right from 1967 to the present, the state has been the ideological
fount of the Maoist movement.

With the formation of a new government headed by the Congress party in
2004, there was a ceasefire between the state and the People’s War
Group. Talks were initiated at the behest of an active citizen’s
group. The two sides agreed to be on the table because of a behind the
scenes understanding during the polls when the Naxals helped the
Congress win in several constituencies and in return the Congress
promised to go lenient after victory – a reflection that the line
between the mainstream and rebel is often blurred. A section of Maoist
activists emerged overground, organised mass rallies, and participated
in a round of negotiations. But it took little time for the process to
collapse. Both sides had continued to distrust each other and saw the
interlude as merely tactical to organise themselves more effectively.
The government accused the Maoists of continuing to carry arms and
consolidating strength by uniting with Bihar’s MCC; the Naxalites
alleged that the government was using the period to stage fake
encounters against their activists.

In hindsight, the Maoists had a point. The government had shifted
goalposts by insisting on disarming them without even a basic
agreement – it was unreasonable to expect that the rebels would hand
over their arms and give up the revolution. The Machiavellian state
clearly acted in bad faith. They had used the break to track Maoist
operations, weaken the armed squads or dalams, and plant a strong
network of informers.

In the last three years, the Maoists have suffered a major setback in
Andhra, particularly in the Telangana region – a fact accepted by
Naxalites themselves. This is reflected in the reduced frequency and
scale of armed actions, recruitment, and activities of mass
organisations. The reversal stems from multiple factors, and deserves
careful scrutiny because it is a marker of challenges that Naxalites
might face in other parts of the country in the future.

One factor for the decline, much to the discomfort of all those who
believe a law and order approach is completely futile, is strong and
effective police action. The Andhra Pradesh police have built up a
specialised fighting force called the Greyhounds. These are mobile
squads, who know how to live in forests like the Naxalite dalams – the
fulcrum of the movement – and have the ability to conduct surgical
strikes based on sharp intelligence inputs.

Compared to police operations in the past, the Greyhounds are more
careful not to violate human rights. While there have been allegations
of rape against Greyhound members in Vakapalli in Vizag recently,
human rights activists like K Balagopal see this as an aberration.
“This is a disciplined force that roams around in villages and forests
and does not harass people on a significant scale. Instead, they
purchase information about location, use modern technology to track
movement, surround the area and shoot,” he says. A top police official
admits there has been a deliberate change in strategy. ‘Earlier we
used to go to a village, round up all the able-bodied men and beat
them to scare them. But that only pushes people away. Now, there is
strict control over these activities. In fact, I keep telling my
counterparts in the Islamic fundamentalist department to do the same.”
For their part, the Naxals have not been able to conduct any major
attacks on Greyhounds.

Technology has helped the counter-insurgency effort. The identity of
informers can be concealed more easily given that all it requires is a
mobile phone set and different SIM cards to alert the police. N
Venugopal, a pro-Maoist journalist, adds, “What added to the Maoist
woes is the fact that they over-estimated their strength and went on a
mass recruitment drive during the ceasefire. The police used the
moment to infiltrate within.”

The swinging masses

However, this should not make the police smug. For one, the setback is
not irreversible. Indeed, there have been several ups and downs in the
Maoist movement in Andhra since the 1970s but the rebels have
consistently bounced back. And they continue to command sympathies of
a large section of the society. From a Sikh auto-driver in Hyderabad
to a Muslim cook; from pro-establishment journalists to even a
government official in Bhadrachalam in Telangana, there is a consensus
that Naxalites have served as a force for good in the past. They don’t
harass common people and attack only the corrupt; they beat up the
landlord in my village; they will stand by the poor; they are the only
ones who give justice in the forests; give them a chance to rule – we
have seen this system and it doesn’t work.

The Maoists also retain the ability to strike at will, as was
witnessed in an attack on the convoy of former chief minister
Janardhan Reddy in September. Indeed, the reversal inflicted by the
police is coupled with the deliberate decision of the Maoists to
retreat temporarily from the forests of Telangana and concentrate
forces across the border in Chhatisgarh where an active war is raging
with the government.

The Maoists are understood to have drawn two lessons from the recent
Andhra experience. “They have decided to strengthen their military
wing and adopt more aggressive strategies in the future. The party
also feels that the answer lies in becoming more secretive and
clamming up to prevent the possibility of information leaking. In
fact, the district units do not even come out with statements now,”
says a CPI (Maoist) member.

But they may have got their analysis wrong here. For the setback is
not only due to police action but also other systemic factors which
require them to engage more widely in mass politics, rather than shy
away from it.

For one, a major challenge faced by the rebels nationally, and
particularly in Andhra, is the inability to attract young people in
urban areas and small towns.

Warangal is at the heart of Telangana. At the sprawling campus of
Kaketiya University, the hub of Naxalite student activity in the
1970’s and 80s, there is a sense of calm. A few students are crowded
around the National Service Scheme office to plan their next voluntary
activity. There is a hand-written notice announcing the onset of
placement interviews – ‘Golden job opportunities in Infosys’. A group
of students in the canteen chat loudly about Telegu star Chiranjeevi’s
daughter eloping with a man to ward off her father’s opposition.

At the School of Social Sciences, a group of professors are having a
cup of tea and pondering over the changing aspirations of students.
“The upper and intermediate caste students join science and want to be
a part of the IT boom. Those in humanities are usually first
generation students from SC and ST background who are here only
because of reservations and minimal scholarships. They are financially
insecure and look around for employment, even if is as a coolie or
auto driver,” says S Rao, a political scientist.

Students have little time or incentive to join the Maoist movement, in
the face of competition and pressure from peers and parents to ’settle
down’ in life. Those at the Indian School of Business, a management
school that has international tie-ups, in the outskirts of Hyderabad
can barely locate the Telangana districts on the map and have their
sights set on Silicon Valley. A little down, in the Nizam College of
Osmania University, the aspirations are to get to the Hi-Tech city –
an enclave of software companies and malls within the state capital.
Students at the Regional Engineering College in Warangal aim for the
green card as well, but would be satisfied with a well-paid job
locally. And the Humanities students, already scorned for not making
it to the science stream, are under pressure to get a job, try for
government ’service’, and send money home.

Simplistic as it may sound – after all, there were career-oriented
people in the 70s as well – this has become among the most potent
factors in weaning the youth away from armed movement. The success of
the Maoists over the past few decades – in attacking feudalism,
creating a new sense of consciousness among the marginalised, and
forcing the state to give concessions to the tribals – is now proving
to be an obstacle, for the young now want to exploit the available
opportunities. These people in traditional Naxal strongholds have seen
the movement closely. They know the pain and suffering that comes from
being a Maoist activist – death at any moment in an encounter,
constant harassment of the family, a tough life in an authoritarian
set-up – with little immediate dividends. Little surprise that the
second generation in the area decide to make the best of whatever they
can get rather than fight for a red India.

As much as the Naxalites may like to disagree, another reason for
their decline is the fact that politics – mainstream and democratic
politics – has percolated down to people. In Andhra, there are
alternative political channels to express aspirations. And many would
like to join one of these streams and be a part of the state rather
than fight it and face repression. The Telegu Desam Party provides an
outlet for regional aspirations; the mainstream Communist Parties have
picked up issues of land displacement and distribution of surplus
land; the Telangana Rashtriya Samiti is at the forefront of the
movement for a separate statehood – a claim supported by the Maoists.
Mainstream politicians do not hesitate to make promises which far
surpass the incentives provided by the Maoists.

Varavara Rao, the public face of the Indian Naxals and one of the
emissaries in the aborted talks, does not seem to realise the irony
when he beams with pride and says, “The Maoists have forced all other
parties to become more progressive and take up their agenda.” This not
only reflects Maoist success in deepening democracy but also reveals
the limits of their expansion, by showing the space within the system
to raise issues.

Yet, it is undeniable that the PWG, and now the CPI (Maoist), have
created space for dissent and influenced the way of seeing the world
among large sections of Telegu society, across the political spectrum.
A restaurant manager in the Secunderabad station area, when asked if
he knew the way to Naxal balladeer Gadar’s house, jumped up excitedly.
“Of course, it is near the Lotakunta bridge. Who doesn’t know Gadar?
He sings for the poor and stands up against wrong.” The manager
himself, it turned out, was a member of the ruling Congress party.

A war zone

Take a bus from Warangal and cross Bhadrachalam in Khammam district,
travel through dense forests on both sides, and reach Chintoor. Sit in
a shared auto to take you through the last mile of Andhra territory.
Ask around about Maoist influence in the area and people clam up and
look away. Suddenly six hefty gun-wielding men appear in plainclothes
and stop the auto. They go through every item in your baggage, and
only later care to identify themselves as members of the Andhra
police. One constable wants an identification card and lights up at
the mention of press – “See we are efficient and do our job well. Not
like the ones across the border.”

Across the border is literally the centre of India. Across the border
lies the heart of the civil war that continues to rage between a
ruthless state and a militant force; between tribals and tribals;
between the Naga regiment, Mizo battalion, Central Reserve Police
Force, state police on one hand and the Naxals on the other; between
50,000 tribals locked in state camps on the main road and marked as
defenders of the Indian flag, and thousands inside forests branded as
terrorists – both caught in politics not of their making.

Walk across to enter Dantewada or South Bastar in the state of
Chhatisgarh. But before that, face another six people with rifles
slinging on their shoulders – only this time, they are wearing khaki
uniforms. Only this time, they are short and skinny. Only this time,
their average age is 14. After inspecting the luggage, and fiddling
with the mobile phone, one child soldier commands, ‘Das rupaiya, ten
rupees.’ Why? ‘To let you enter our land.’ Just then, a slightly older
soldier winks and says, “Let him go, we will take it from someone
else.”

Konta can pass off as a small border outpost. Report to the police
station and let them know you will be visiting the ‘base camps’
located on the way to Dantewada five hours away, advise local
journalists. The thana is a small concrete structure hidden behind
barbed wires. It is 11.45 in the morning, and the place is littered
with bottles of Bagpiper whiskey. A plump man, not in uniform, is
rocking his chair and asks for identification, wallet, and mobile
phone. The ‘press card’ is not enough to impress him. “Kathmandu haan?
I am Manisha Koirala’s boyfriend. Give me your address details – name
of your sarpanch, name of the area MLA. Has the government sent you?
Your Nepali Maoists are here also. We can fuck all of you,” he glares.
50 minutes of telling him that there is neither a sarpanch nor an MLA
in Kathmandu is not sufficient. Finally, it is a fake address, fake
names of Kathmandu representatives, and lunch time that makes the man
relent.

Salwa Judum territory is the land of the bizarre. The fear is palpable
and people do not want to talk. We do not know. Let it be sir, we will
get into trouble. Businessmen are reluctant to rent out cars. Locals
warn you not to provoke anyone and be short and crisp.

The Naxals entered the area from Andhra in the late 70s and gained
popularity soon after for standing up against exploitation of tribals
by forest contractors, providing instant justice, organising people
into sanghams and dalams, engaging in cultural activities, campaigning
against the corrupt state which had done little for the adivasis, and
living with the people. But local resentment against the Naxals was
brewing gradually – against their interference in local customs, ban
on tendu-leaf collection, dictatorial ways. This was exploited by
local politicians and the administration to start Salwa Judum in 2005.
Tribals were mobilised against Maoists and as the Naxals began
retaliatory attacks, the state forced them to flee into camps.

The dissatisfaction against the Maoists was genuine and spontaneous,
but a concerted movement to actively go after them was clearly state-
supported and sponsored. The government went in with forces to
evacuate villages under Naxalite influence and allegedly plundered
houses, raped women, and killed with impunity to send a message to the
tribals to come to camps. Those at the camps were seen as state
supporters by the Naxals. Those who stayed behind in villages were
immediately branded as terrorists by the administration. Many young
men in the camps were appointed as Special Police Officers, to assist
the state police in its responsibilities – several of them former
Naxalites with inside knowledge of the forests.

The logic behind Salwa Judum remains difficult to fathom, for it
abounds with irony. On the surface, the state appears to be giving up
the land in the interiors to the Maoists by displacing the people to
camps instead of fighting the rebels directly or winning support of
people in those areas. The strategy divides people and leaves an
entire constituency inside the forests as fodder for Naxalites. And to
top it all, the Judum campaign is headed by Mahendra Karma, a Congress
MLA who is the Leader of Opposition in the state assembly – but in a
rare instance of co-operation, has the complete backing of the BJP
government.

Sitting in a Dantewada rest house, Karma claims this is a “Gandhian
movement against political terrorism”, and the camps are necessary to
protect those who have stood up against Naxalites from their wrath.
Others suspect that Karma is keen on Salwa Judum because it has given
him prominence, allowed him to concentrate more than 50,000 people in
specific areas, maintain a vigil on them, and keep them away from
Naxal influence. As Raipur journalist Praful Jha explains, “Fish will
survive where there is water. Dry out the river and the fish will die.
The Salwa Judum is based on the calculation that keeping people away
from the interiors will finish off the support base of the Maoists.”

Raipur bureaucrats see the Judum as helpful for it allows them to make
neat and mechanical plans to ‘push the Maoists’, and ‘clean the
forests’, based on the assumption that all those inside are militants.
Drawing up a rough sketch, a top police official says, “See, we can
now move into the forests with heave deployment of forces, defeat the
Maoists in one area, and push them backwards. That area can thus be
cleared and development can begin. Then we go further in and push
Maoists even more backwards.” And push them where? “How does that
matter? Our job is to make life difficult for them here. How do we
care if they go to Andhra forests?” says a close aide of state chief
minister Raman Singh.

Activists see a more sinister plan behind displacing such a
substantial segment of population from resource rich areas which are
being eyed by extractive industries. The camps are slums meant to
enable industries. “Bastar has diamonds, iron ore, steel, and uranium.
Industries want to begin operations there on a war footing. And the
Judum has meant they will face no protests against displacement, for
people have already been thrown out,” remarks Ilina Sen, an academic
and activist. This is possible in the long-term. But at present these
are areas where the state barely has any presence and there are no
public plans of industrial capital coming in. The two projects that
have been approved by the government and are in the offing – the Tata
plant in Jagdalpur and Essar operations in Dhurli-Bhansi – are not in
the same areas from where Judum related displacement has taken place.

But the primary character of the Salwa Judum is that it pits tribals
against tribals, divides families on both sides, and creates a notion
of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ in a community that has lived together for ages.
It has also engineered a shift in the line of firing. If the rebels
earlier used to attack the politicians and policemen, now they go
after the tribals in the camps perceived as enemies. The SPOs are used
as shields in battles against the Naxals.

The result – the poorest segment of the Indian population, tribals,
are killed on both sides.

At the Errabora camp, the camp-in-charge advances another argument in
favour of the Judum. Ram Lal Markan, a teacher, says, “See these
tribals are illiterate and unaware. The camp gives us an opportunity
to lock them in, teach the new generation about nationalism, law,
Indian constitution. This will ensure they do not fall for the Maoist
propaganda and the young know that mother India is great.” Strikingly
these defenders of ‘mother India’ in camps, who are the heads of the
camp panchayats or act as the local leaders, are all non tribals –
many of them sidekicks of Karma who have been targeted by Maoists in
the past. The patronising argument that the dumb tribal needs
education is countered by Pratap Agarwal, a Jagdalpur advocate who has
filed a PIL against Salwa Judum. “If you look at voting patterns,
South Bastar has always been in tune with the larger national
electoral mood. These tribals have local consultative mechanisms; they
take joint decisions. It is wrong for us to think we know best.”

The implications of the Salwa Judum have been devastating. The
violence has increased drastically, but the state has a ready defense
on this count. “If we put up a fight, obviously violence will
increase. This is a war. Make no mistake,” says a local police
official in Dantewada. Communist Party of India leader Manish Kunjam
claims that more than 700 people have been killed by the police and
SPOs, and 5000 houses burnt. There has been little agriculture for the
past few years. The SPOs are a law unto themselves and have indulged
in innumerable human rights violations.

Most importantly, the state-sponsored campaign has removed the tribals
from their natural habitat, forced them into artificial camps, and
divided families and communities. Kura Erra, a 21 year old at the
Dornapal camp, looks longingly towards his village, Gorkunda, 7 km
away while sipping tea at a crowded shop. “I can only go to my village
with heavy police force, and that too only rarely. Otherwise the
Naxals will kill me.” The might of the Indian state cannot protect
Erra’s right to life, liberty, and free movement a few miles down the
main road in South Bastar. Ask if the strength of the Naxals has
increased in the past few years and all heads nod in agreement. There
is a forced smile and the tea-shop owner remarks, ‘Who knows who is a
Naxal? He might be sitting right here.”

While there are 50,000 people in the camps, many others are reported
to have fled across the border to Andhra to escape the wrath of the
state and Naxals. It is difficult to put a figure to the number of
refugees. Many are of Koya tribe who travel in packs of three-five
families, and have kinship links on the other side and stay with
relatives on the other side. But it is said that the forests
surrounding Chintoor are home to almost 35 clusters of refugees, with
the number of displaced running into thousands.

The problem with Salwa Judum is that there is no easy exit route.
There has never been easy escape when the state decides to outsource
its responsibilities and use people as fodder. Some politicians like
CPI’s Manish Kunjam argue that the Naxals will not target all the
50,000 people who live in camps if they return – their ‘enemies’ are
only the SPOs and Salwa Judum leaders. “Announce the phased withdrawal
of camps and send people back.” Senior police officials agree that the
natural tendency of tribals to live in open spaces cannot be curbed
for long. But their solution is different. “Remember we plan to push
the Naxals back. After we do that, tribals can go back.”

Maybe, an exit route appears difficult because too many people are
happy with the Salwa Judum. Mahendra Karma is thrilled at becoming the
symbol of the fight against Naxalism. He and his cronies, along with
local bureaucrats, are getting to siphon off enormous funds that the
government has allocated for the Salwa Judum. The Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh has found a chance to begin a process of Hinduising
the adivasis in camps. The BJP is establishing political presence in
an area where they have been traditionally weak, thanks to the help of
the leader of opposition. And even the Naxalites are happy for the
resentment against tribals is turning into political capital for them.

The reign of terror

Jharkhand is the untold, and potentially the most dangerous, Naxalite
story. A corrupt state that has given a free reign to Maoists who have
lost their ideological moorings gives the place an air of anarchy. The
rebellion can flare even further because the only sphere in which the
government is active – signing mining contracts – will lead to
displacement and force thousands into destitution. They will be the
losers in this process of sustaining a shining and happy India. Losers
who will be ready to pick the gun, and serve as foot soldiers.

Talk to a Ranchi editor, a corporate sales manager, a political party
activist, a rickshaw-puller, or even a district correspondent – the
refrain is common. Yahan tu sarkar hi nahin hai. There is no
government here.

Madhu Koda, an independent MLA, is the head of a coalition government
and has completed one year in office – a feat seen as miraculous in
times of a fragmented polity where it takes little to buy legislators
off, trample on the constitution, and defect without a prick in the
conscience. Little wonder then that Koda, his ministers, top
bureaucrats, and local officers in lucrative posts – all want to make
a quick buck in their moment under the sun.

And for them the presence of the Naxaliye is not a threat but an
opportunity. Play the victim card and ask the central government for
more funds to tackle the ‘menace’ and make money off it; exchange
money with the insurgents and promise them protection in return of
support during polls in constituencies where the Naxals have
influence; give the Maoists information about construction contractors
and share the loot; turn a blind eye when the Maoists are extorting
people and later ask for a commission. A young district administrator
remarks exasperatedly, “The police force is not too competent and in
several places is a part of such a set-up. But even when it comes
close to nabbing a Naxalite or attacking them, there is a call from
the local politicians or seniors who ask them to lay off.”

The nexus between mainstream politicians and the rebels receives a
temporary jolt when there is a dramatic attack by Naxals like the one
in Giridih at the end of October. The rebels had planned to target the
brother of former chief minister and an anti-Naxal crusader Babulal
Marandi. Instead Marandi’s young son and 17 other innocent tribals who
were enjoying a cultural programme after a football match were killed.
At times like this, the rhetoric escalates; all sides become careful;
and media attention increases. The government promises to take the
Maoists on. The rebels chose to justify the killings in the name of
the revolution. In rare instances however, the Maoists deign to admit
that targeting innocents was a mistake- a small price to pay in the
war to take over the Indian state. But a lot of this, observers say,
is a farce – a game before things go back to being normal. And
normalcy is synonymous with fear and insecurity on the ground, as
leaders who are hands-in-glove watch the fun from the top.

The Maoists are active in more then 18 out of the 24 districts in
Jharkhand, with a steady increase in their recruitment. And this
expansion is not only to do with a weak and corrupt state but other
systemic factors.

The absence of justice plays a far greater role in helping Maoists win
cadre than is often understood or acknowledged. This is not only at
the level of millions of cases which are stuck in the judicial system
but at the level of the local thana. “People go with complaints to
file a report at the police station. If it is a poor person, or
someone of a lower caste, the police will not listen to him in the
first place. And even if they do, and the case happens to be against a
richer person with connections, the local sub inspector will take the
side of the latter,” explains a local crime reporter in Hazaribagh.
The aggrieved are left with only one choice – the Maoists who provide
instance justice, often rightfully against the oppressor.

Land issues continue to remain a factor in alienating people from the
mainstream. Feudalism may not be as powerful anymore and the image of
brutal landlord is, more often than not, misplaced in several
narratives. But the land reform programme has other components –
updating land records being one of them. More than half the criminal
cases – not civil but criminal – are related to land disputes where
ownership is contested. There was either never any proper
documentation, or documents got burnt or rotted. “Do a survey and
prepare a fresh record of land ownership. Computerise the findings.
And 25 percent of the Naxal problem will be resolved,” argues a SP in
a Maoist-affected district.

The incentives are also aligned in favour of joining the Maoist
movement in several areas because it is the most attractive employment
option. After a short training course, the recruit gets a gun and
monthly expenses. From a hanger-on at the local tea-shop who is
derisively dismissed by elders for not having a job, this person
suddenly acquires a new social status and unbridled power. Petty
criminals who want to protect themselves from police harassment also
find Naxalism a convenient refuge. And they all become legitimate
actors. For in parts of several districts of Jharkhand, and
Chhatisgarh, the line between the legal state and illegal Naxals is
blurred. In fact, the state is often not present at all. And even when
it is, the sheer power and presence of the Maoists gives them de facto
legitimacy and acceptance as a political actor.

The political vacuum is most intense in Jharkhand. “Panchayat
elections have not taken place, and local level leaders who could
address grievances and channelise aspirations are absent,” points out
Harivansh, editor of the well-respected Prabhat Khabar. Political
parties act merely as electoral machines. In instances where local
parties are present, leaders prefer to keep silent rather than risk
Maoist wrath. Parties don’t send their cadre to these places.

But in all this, a notable absence is that of ideologically trained
activist. What is common is a utilitarian streak and incentive based
calculation behind the decision to join the Maoists. And this has
created a vacuum of the politically committed at the middle level,
leaders who can keep a check on ‘mistakes’ of the cadre. A CPI
(Maoist) member admits, “The politicisation of the cadre is weak. The
top leadership has a set of principles and we have no desire to kill
innocents. But the command structure is not in place which gives the
local units a lot of autonomy. And in the absence of politicisation,
corruption seeps in.”

The descent into corruption, criminalisation and internal caste feuds
is most pronounced among the Jharkhand Naxals. Maoists Communist
Centre (MCC), as it existed prior to the merger, is often referred to
as the Money Collection Centre. Levies are imposed not only on local
contractors and small shop-keepers. A big corporate wants to initiate
an industrial project – it needs to remember to set aside a share for
the Maoists. This trend is visible in parts of Chhatisgarh as well
where companies are reported to have paid large sums to Maoists to
allow them to construct pipelines and start factories. The government
wants to initiate a development project – pay the Naxalites a levy. A
striking fact, for it poses difficult questions for those who believe
‘development’ is the panacea to resolve the Maoist issue. In cases
like this, development money only strengthens the rebels.

The Maoists have not been immune to that fundamental, and all-
pervasive characteristic of Indian society – caste. Tussles over
sharing money, as well as inter-caste clashes between Yadavs and
Ganjus, a Dalit community, have led to the formation of splinter
groups like Tritiya Sammellan Prastuti Committee (TPC) and the
Jharkhand Prastuti Committee (JPC). This has come as delightful news
to the local administration which often supports one group against the
other, and seeks to extract information by providing protection. But
the proliferation of actors has made life even more difficult for
citizens. Rakesh Jha, the owner of watch-repair centre in Chatra –
hotbed of Naxalite and TPC activity – says, “Earlier we had to pay one
group. Now it is four. But look at their standards. They begin asking
for Rs 50,000 and finally relent if we agree to pay for a Rs 500
mobile recharge card. It shows they are only out to make a quick
buck.”

The future in Jharkhand looks like one where there will be an
escalation in the levels of violence. The government has signed MOUs
worth billions with Mittal, Tata, RPG group, Jindal, and many others
for extractive industries. The process of land acquisition will entail
massive displacement. Only a few agreements have been implemented yet.
But the government and big industries seem to have prepared a multi-
pronged strategy for the process – offer attractive rehabilitation
packages in principle, co-opt some locally influential people and
encourage them to persuade the community, rig Gram Sabha hearings in
tribal areas, use hired goons to create pressure, and use state forces
overtly and covertly.

Any question of displacement is bound to provoke widespread
controversy. In certain areas, some sections of people may be willing
to give up their land. But by most accounts, the resistance is strong.
This stems both from a deep attachment to land and the dismal record
of past rehabilitation projects. “There is a deeper logic to the
opposition. For 150 years, adivasis have given their land, labour,
minerals, forest produce to this country’s elite. And in return, they
have been dispossessed and proletarianised,” says Xavier Dias, a
Ranchi based activist. Responding to reports that the opposition is a
move to gain better relief packages, Dias says,” This is not a
tactical decision. It is the only way to save what is remaining of the
tribal population. Should they give their land so that their children
can become coolies? The state will have to crush people’s movement if
they want to move with industrial expansionism. And then we will see
blood aluminum and red coal.” In such a context, where anger is rife
among tribals and the government appears insensitive to non-violent
movements, it is likely that people will be attracted to Maoist
violence.

The critique within

Ram Jatan Sharma is a Naxalite. He believes India is a semi-feudal,
semi-colonial country which needs a revolutionary overthrow of the
state. But Sharma does not carry arms and is not a member of the CPI
(Maoist). Instead, he belongs to the Communist Party of India (Marxist-
Leninist) Liberation, an ultra-left outfit that traces its roots to
the Naxalbari movement. Male, as the party is popularly called in
Bihar, interestingly participates in electoral politics and has six
legislators (CHECK) in the Bihar assembly.

An introspective Sharma looks back at the days when his outfit was
underground and believed in the precedence of armed action. He says
that the fundamental flaw of far-left groups has been the inability to
judge the revolutionary fervour of the masses. “A revolutionary
situation existed for a brief period between 1968 and 1970. We
continued with the tactic of boycotting elections till 1978 but then
realised that mass mobilisation comes first.” Wondering loudly why the
Maoists refuse to see that the other parties, derisively dismissed as
comprador, have the support of masses, Sharma says, “The task of a
true revolutionary is to utilise the institutions of the bourgeoisie
system to break the illusions of the people and reveal the true
character of the ruling class.”

A day earlier, a ruling party MLA, Anant Singh, had beat up an NDTV
journalist when faced with tough questions about an alleged murder he
had committed. Singh happened to be a close aide of chief minister
Nitish Kumar, who has carefully sought to cultivate the image of a
clean politician against criminalisation. “The system provides some
space to intervene. See we can show the people how there is little
difference between Laloo Yadav and Nitish Kumar and both harbour
criminals,” argues Sharma. Liberation leaders say that using this
space does not mean getting co-opted into the system, and point out
that attacks on them by the ruling parties have increased since they
began participating in the parliamentary system. “They are more
insecure and scared now than they were when we were in the forests.”
The Maoists contribute little by engaging in anarcho-militarism and
mindless violence, when it is clear that an attack on a small landlord
does not in any way translate into warfare against the Indian state.
Instead, this violence gives the state a pretext to repress.

The critique of the Maoists from within the left stems from several
other perspectives as well. Many Marxists claim that the Maoists have
not recognised that the true nature of the ruling class and the Indian
state – it is not the feudals but the capitalists who dictate
policies. The mainstream Communist Party of India (Marxist) has, at
the theoretical level, countered the categorisation of the Indian
bourgeoisie as comprador, claiming that it has a dual character and
strives for the autonomy of capital. Pro-CPM intellectuals also argue
that at the present national and international juncture, armed
revolution is not possible and the task of a Marxist is to radicalise
democracy.

But Bihar remains significant because it is here that Naxalism has
taken a different turn, besides the one heralded by the armed Maoist
outfit. For their part, the Maoists appear to be concentrating more
across the border in Jharkhand. There has been a lull in drastic
Maoist actions since a daring jailbreak in Jehanabad sometime ago when
the Naxalites killed members of a rival group and released their own
cadre. What has changed in the expansion of the rebels to North Bihar
– Muzaffarpur, Sitamarhi, Madhubani, and Champaran. Some observers
link this to support and linkages from across the border in Nepal.

“Maoism remains a force and finds recruits because the state has
collapsed in a substantial part of the Hindi heartland,” says Saibal
Gupta, a Patna academic. “Couple this with the fact that new economic
policies have resulted in the withdrawal of the state from even the
basic welfare services it was providing.” The political parties who
are present on the ground inevitably take the side of the powerful-
the underclass remains potential fodder for the rebels. The unemployed
are looking for avenues and see the movement as a quick tool of upward
mobility.

However, Bihar’s polity appears to have attained certain equilibrium,
notwithstanding the churning within identity politics in the electoral
realm. Caste wars are not as vicious as they were in the past. The
politician-Naxal nexus has formed a pattern and reciprocal assistance
has become a part of the norm. Prakash Louis, author a book on
Naxalites in central Bihar, says, “Laloo and Nitish are benevolent
oppressors. The movement is at its zenith when the opposition is at
its zenith. If the state has an appearance of giving concessions, it
becomes difficult for the Maoists to mobilise as actively. Laloo had
made it clear that land grab should not result in police firing. The
exploitation is present, but not as palpable and brutal.”

The Maoists do have the ability to conduct a major strike. But it is
unlikely that this will alter the balance of power, political
equations, and the state’s own presence. As Vinay Kanth of the
People’s Union for Civil Liberties puts it, “There is no reason to
think Naxal strength will increase dramatically. Equally, there is no
reason to believe that the government can contain it with the same set
of policies.”

The thinking cap

A quick scan of the Maoist movement in some key states is enough to
reveal that all sides in this conflict need to sit back, look at their
calculations, and reassess strategies.

The Maoist movement is increasingly becoming an exclusively armed
movement, with little focus on political mobilisation. The leadership
realised this and at the party congress earlier this year, made a
conscious decision to form a united front with other like-minded
people, and pick up mass-based issues. However, this has not
translated into practice anywhere, apart from a few instances of
engagement with displacement issues. This involvement is fairly
minimal and the basic character of the organisation remains one which
gives priority to violence.

This trend of not engaging enough in mass politics stems both from
choice and compulsion. A repressive state leaves the rebels with
little space to organise themselves and have meetings, let alone hold
rallies. But it is also a deliberate decision. The MCC was
traditionally a more militant force focusing on violence while the PWG
had a greater component of mass activity. Since the merger of the two,
the MCC line of thinking is said to have become pre-dominant. Maoists
have also concluded that the rapid success of the Nepali Maoists was
due to an aggressive military strategy, and this needs to be
replicated in India.

What the Naxalites need to understand is that armed action can yield
only limited political or military dividends, particularly if you are
up against the might of the Indian state. 180 Naxalite-affected
districts is a misnomer in more than one way. The Maoists do not have
control over any district headquarter; they hold exclusive sway only
in select areas in Jharkhand and Chhatisgarh, particularly dense
forests, where the state is not present at all. To fall prey to the
conception that the Maoists are all over Andhra, Orissa, Jharkhand,
Bihar, and Chhatisgarh just because they have presence in rural areas
and the state is about to give way would be a mistake.

It is mass activity that attracts committed cadre; awakens a sense of
consciousness; and keeps a check on the criminal and degenerative
tendencies within the party. Beginning with violence, rather than
winning the genuine support of the people, has never been a
sustainable strategy for any outfit.

This focus on violence has inevitably led to several ‘mistakes’.
Inadvertent or not, innocents are often killed. More often than not,
these are people the Maoists claim to be fighting for and represent.
This creates a sense of outrage and gives the state a pretext to
repress. Not only do committed Maoists get crushed in the process, so
do many others in politics and civil society who are seeking to
dissent on fundamental questions within the system by being branded as
Naxalites.

But civil society needs to bear its part of the blame as well. Across
the board, human rights organisations are seen as more sympathetic to
the Naxals and unconcerned when people are killed due to Maoist
actions. While some of this may be state propaganda to discredit
activists, there have been instances when PUCL members, particularly
in Jharkhand, have refused to condemn the Maoists. After the Giridih
attack, a PUCL activist told The Telegraph that their agenda is to
solely expose the state’s crimes. Another activist Shashi Bhushan
Pathak went a step ahead by criticising the government and Babulal
Marandi for provoking the Maoists to attack. “Their credibility has
taken a beating,” says Sunil Kumar, editor of the Chhatisgarh daily in
Raipur.

Journalists have not covered themselves in glory either. Most
newspapers are heavily dependent on government revenues and usually
toe the government line, especially on sensitive issues. This is true
of Chhatisgarh where only a few papers have exposed the Salwa Judum
story for what it is. The prejudice seeps down to the local
correspondents, who have vested interests tied with the local
establishment. Few journalists in Dantewada were willing to stick
their neck out and be critical of the campaign. Instead, one hears
conversations among them of the last date for filing tender and
contractor kickbacks.

Since the Naxal issue emerged in 1967, an easy way out for left-
liberal academics has been to mouth the cliché that this is a socio-
economic problem and development is the answer. It is true that
development, defined as effective government services and creating
opportunities, can lock people into the national mainstream and reduce
their incentives to join the Naxalites. Yet, the issue here is as much
of rights as of development. A person does not become a Maoist because
there is no school or health centre in his village; he becomes a
Maoist due to a different set of circumstances, spanning from lack of
justice, brutality of state officials, perceiving participation as a
tool of mobility, coercion from other Maoists, and other factors. In
fact, the development money often goes straight into the pockets of
politicians and Naxalites and strengthens them. So while development
is a part of the solution, to treat it as a one-size-fits-all
alternative without carving specific strategies for different places
may not be productive.

The Naxal movement is fundamentally a political movement. And the
answer lies in politics and political parties. As long as parties
continue to be inert in areas and do not fulfill their core
responsibilities – accommodating aspirations, putting pressure on the
local administration, providing institutional protection to those who
believe in the present system, standing up for the marginalised,
speaking out if there are atrocities against Dalits and tribals –
there will be space for alternative outfits. This becomes difficult in
areas where the Maoists do not allow activities of other political
parties. But there is no easy way out but to fill the political vacuum
in a just manner.

The government pretends to recognise that this is more than just a law
and order problem. But it has done little to build up or act on a non-
police solution. In fact, its own policies over the past decade –
SEZs, doing little to tackle agrarian distress, withdrawing basic
support to enable health and education, lack of prompt redressal of
grievances especially for the marginalised – have only contributed to
the unrest. The state may have the right to suppress any movement that
questions its authority and seeks to destroy its monopoly over
violence. But the present strategy of only pumping in more money for
the police force, or attempting a Salwa Judum like campaign, can yield
little. Talks may not be possible, given that both sides have
diametrically opposite positions, but a basic engagement to minimise
violence could be in the interests of the people.

The Indian Maoists have undoubtedly pushed the envelope by putting
several issues of the marginalised on the agenda, and forcing the
government to pay heed to it, if out of nothing than self-protection.
Their support among many of the poorest people in India is testament
to the fact. Even as the government needs to address these
aspirations, the Naxalites would do well to realise there are clear
limits to their possible expansion. The Indian masses have, over the
past six decades, shown they may have complaints, but retain faith in
the present democratic system. As an old man on a bus from Hazaribagh
to Patna put it, ” Sahib Naxal tu theek hain, par kaam tu sarkar hi
karega na. Sir, the Naxals are fine but finally, it is the government
which will do the work, isn’t it?”

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-21 22:59:27 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/340150_Over-840-policemen-died-on-duty-in-one-year

Over 840 policemen died on duty in one year
STAFF WRITER 12:30 HRS IST

New Delhi, Oct 21 (PTI) Over 840 police and para- military personnel
sacrificed their lives in the past one year during operations or
attacks on them with Uttar Pradesh topping the list with 107 such
cases.

A total of 841 personnel from state police and para- military forces
like BSF and CRPF were killed from September 1, 2008 and August 31
this year.

According to official figures, at least 249 policemen of state police
lost their lives in naxal-affected states, with Maharashtra topping
the list.

CRPF and BSF followed UP Police in casualities with 81 and 72 cases
respectively.

Naxal-affected states of Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh were the next to
follow after UP in the number of policemen deaths with 72 and 64
casualties respectively.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-22 12:44:24 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/342596_Chidambaram-rejects-Maoist-claiming-officer-to-be-PoW

Chidambaram rejects Maoist claiming officer to be PoW
STAFF WRITER 17:30 HRS IST

Ranchi, Oct 22 (PTI) Union Home Minister P Chidambaram today rejected
Maoist leader Kishenji's claim that kidnapped West Bengal police
officer Atindranath Dutta was a 'prisoner of war' but said the
political view of the Left wing ultras could be accommodated in a
democratic system.

"They are using the words like PoW. We reject that, (it is)
unacceptable in a democratic and republic system. We can never accept
the theory of an armed liberation struggle and of guerrilla war," he
told reporters here.

Noting that the democratic system was large enough to accommodate
every shade of political opinion, he said, "Let me assume that the CPI-
Maoist has a particular political view.

That view can also be accommodated in the democratic system.

"So, within a democratic system there are ways in which causes can be
advocated and grievances can be redressed.

But violence is no answer," he said.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-22 22:39:34 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Bengal-swap-23-Naxals-let-off-as-abducted-cop-is-released/H1-Article1-467984.aspx

Abducted cop of Bengal Police released by Maoists
HT Correspondent
Jhargram/Ranchi, October 22, 2009

First Published: 18:13 IST(22/10/2009)
Last Updated: 02:17 IST(23/10/2009)

Abducted police officer Atindranath Datta was released after 23
suspected Maoists — arrested during the past few months from Lalgarh
— were granted bail on Thursday.

An unharmed Datta was released at a place called Domohini between 8
and 8:30 in the evening. He was accompanied by a lawyer.

“I’ve kept my word which I’d given to the people and the family
members of Datta,” Maoist leader Kishenji alias Koteswar Rao told a
Bengali television channel in Kolkata.

The move can be seen as a partial fulfilment of the demands Kishenji
made on Wednesday night. He said they were preparing a list of 78
names who, they demanded, should be released by the Bengal government.

On Wednesday, the family members of Datta met West Bengal CM Buddhadeb
Bhattacharjee and pleaded with him to secure Datta’s release.

State Chief Secretary Ashok Mohan Chakravarty had also said on
Wednesday the government is willing to negotiate with the Maoists if
specific requests come to them.

Ashok Datta, father of the abducted policeman, had earlier raised a
question about the necessity of the joint operation in the Maoist
areas at such a crucial time. According to police sources, a
contingent of joint forces opened fire at the Maoist rebels near
Purnatani area on Thursday morning.

Chidambaram rejects Maoist claims on PoW

Union Home Minister P Chidambaram on Thursday rejected Maoist leader
Kishenji’s claim that kidnapped West Bengal police officer Atindranath
Datta was a “prisoner of war”.

“They are using the words like PoW. We reject that, (it is)
unacceptable in a democratic and republic system. We can never accept
the theory of an armed liberation struggle and of guerrilla war,” he
told reporters in Ranchi.

Noting that the democratic system was large enough to accommodate
every shade of political opinion, he said: “Let me assume that the CPI
(Maoist) has a particular political view. That view can also be
accommodated in the democratic system.”

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-23 15:17:52 UTC
Permalink
http://news.outlookindia.com/item.aspx?668270

Bhattacharjee Meets Chidambaram; Discusses Naxal Surge
New Delhi | Oct 23, 2009

West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee today met Union
Home Minister P Chidambaram and is understood to have discussed issues
related to the Naxal surge in the state.

Issues related to the anti-Naxal operation in Lalgarh and the
deployment of Central paramilitary forces in the state were believed
to have been discussed, sources said.

Bhattacharjee is believed to have briefed Chidambaram about the
prevailing security situation in the state and the measures taken
during the about 20-minutes meet, they said.

The kidnap and subsequent release of West Bengal police officer
Atindranath Dutta was also discussed, they added.

Emerging out of the meeting, Bhattacharjee refused to say anything to
waiting journalists.

Dutta was released in Lalgarh yesterday by Naxalites, 58 hours after
he was kidnapped from Sankrail police station in West Midnapore
district.

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-23 15:27:44 UTC
Permalink
http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?262424

National / Opinion Web | Oct 22, 2009

Response
An Open Letter To Noam Chomsky

By posing the current military preparations of the state only as a
State vs. People conflict, the statement you endorsed effectively
exonerates the CPI (Maoist), viewed as a terrorist organisation by
none other than Kanu Sanyal and many other active Maoists
Nirmalangshu Mukherji

Dear Prof. Chomsky,

I saw your support to the statement issued by Sanhati in the form of a
letter to the prime minister— endorsed by some intellectuals from
India and abroad. Three points are transparent:

(a) the Indian government is planning a massive armed operation in the
tribal-hilly areas in the eastern part of the country,

(b) the poorest of the poor and the historically marginalised will
suffer the most in terms of loss of lives, livelihood and habitat, and

(c) for whatever it is worth, an all-out campaign by democratic forces
is needed to resist the armed invasion of people’s habitat by any
party.

To that extent, the statement does bring out the urgency of the
matter.

What is not so transparent from the statement is the condition that
has brought about this state of affairs. It is said that large-scale
neo-liberal policies—including formation of SEZs and encroachment of
tribal habitats for mining and other forms of exploitation—has led to
mass impoverishment. So, in desperation, the poor have allegedly taken
up arms to defend themselves.

This picture is wrong in

(i) ascribing the so-called armed struggle to the people, and

(ii) being silent about the ’specific’ source of the current
aggression by the state, namely, the armed operations of CPI (Maoist).

The statement is otherwise right about the ‘general’ situation:
sinister neo-liberal policies, growing impoverishment and
marginalisation of the poor, and their resulting anger.

Hundreds of organisations working at the grass roots level across the
country are engaged in a variety of struggles against state repression
and the insidious economic policies of the government. This includes
many Gandhian, liberal and leftist organisations and individuals.
Importantly, some of these—such as the organisations led by veteran
activists Kanu Sanyal and Asim Chatterjee, among many others in
Bengal, Andhra, Bihar, Orissa and elsewhere—also subscribe to Maoism
and are known initiators of the original Naxalbari movement. Thus, the
labels ‘Maoist’ and ‘Naxalite’ apply to a much wider category of
organisations and individuals than the CPI (Maoist). Needless to say,
even the wider category of Maoists, not to mention just the CPI
(Maoist), forms a tiny fraction of the broad democratic resistance to
the policies of the state. The current armed operations of the state
are directed ostensibly against the CPI (Maoist) in the areas under
its control.

The state of course makes no such distinction in public; by
identifying the wider category with the narrower one, it is
constructing the opportunity to target the entire left-democratic
fraternity in due course. To put the point differently, although the
undeclared target of the state covers the entirety of left-democratic
forces—as evidenced, for example, in the growing attacks on industrial
workers especially in the private sector—the declared target currently
consists of CPI (Maoist) and its area of control. The significance of
this specificity is wholly missing from the statement you endorsed.

The identification of CPI (Maoist) with the entire resistance movement
suits CPI (Maoist) as well. Its Supreme Commander recently declared
from his hideout from a guerrilla-controlled area:

‘People, who are the makers of history, will rise up like a tornado
under our party’s leadership to wipe out the reactionary blood-sucking
vampires ruling our country … our party’s influence has grown stronger
and it has now come to be recognised as the only genuine alternative
before the people.’ (Open magazine, emphasis mine)

We will evaluate the factual content of this declaration below.

For now, it is interesting to note the character of the propaganda:
somehow the propagandist interests of CPI (Maoist), the state, and the
corporate media suitably converge. The Supreme Commander’s claim is
grimly endorsed by the prime and the home ministers of India;
according to them, the ‘Naxalite menace’ is the greatest threat to
internal security. It is also endorsed by the corporate media: the
‘menace’ is said to have spread in 15 of about 25 states, and in 180
of about 500 districts of the country—the numbers accelerating each
month to encourage the prospect of a ‘civil war’ soon across the
country.

The Central government frequently convenes high-profile meetings of
chief ministers, secretaries, and police chiefs of the country to meet
the challenges posed by the menace. Cutting-edge special forces,
carved out of the paramilitary forces, are being constructed and
deployed in ‘Naxal-infested’ areas. In recent months, even the army
and the air force are beginning to enter into the picture. Naxalite
actions—widespread arson, mass killings, and the ability to take on
the security forces—are prominently reported in the corporate media
with ill-concealed awe. This strand of the Naxalite movement never had
it so big in its close to 40 years of existence in hideouts in remote
jungles.

As for the factual content of this dramatic story, I will briefly
record some facts that do not find a place in the three-pronged
propaganda:

•CPI (Maoist) is a comparatively new organisation formed in 2004 when
two Naxalite factions Maoist Coordination Committee (MCC) and People’s
War Group (PWG)—located primarily in some tribal-inhabited jungle
areas in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh respectively—decided to join hands
after fighting a bloody war for area-control among themselves for
close to two decades. By 2006, CPI (Maoist) was almost completely
wiped out from Andhra after their presence there for close to 40
years. They also lost major areas in Bihar. The organisation has
basically shifted to two of the most backward, tiny, and newly-formed
states of Jharkhand and Chatthisgarh. As noted, even there, their
presence is basically centered in the areas of dense forest and
adjacent tribal-dominated villages, especially in the Bastar district.
Ostensibly, as the jungles extend from their headquarters, they have
also developed some hideouts and some armed squads to create enough
violence to mark their ‘presence’ in West Bengal, Orissa, and
elsewhere. To sum, they have essentially failed to emerge out of
portions of jungles of eastern India after over four decades of
campaign for this particular strand of ‘Marxism-Leninism-Maoism’.

•The organisation has no presence whatsoever in the vast agrarian and
industrial terrains of the rest of the country. It has no trade union,
no peasant organisation worth its name, no penetration in the Dalit,
youth, and women’s movements. But it seems to have captured the
imagination of sections of elite, urban, and ‘radical’ intelligentsia
in Calcutta and Delhi who have impressive connections with some Indian
intellectuals settled in universities abroad, as the statement you
endorsed highlights (earlier, this intellectual support used to come
from Bombay and Hyderabad). The phenomenon is historically familiar.

•‘The only genuine alternative before the people’ is viewed as a
terrorist organisation by none other than Kanu Sanyal and many other
active Maoists, not to speak of the broad spectrum of left parties and
organisations most of whom do not find a representation in the
statement.
The basic reason why Sanyal calls CPI (Maoist) ‘terrorists’ is as
follows.

Ever since its inception in 1969, this brand of Maoism rejected all
classical forms of mass struggle and adopted the sinister doctrine of
individual annihilation of ‘class enemies’. ‘Class enemies’ typically
consisted of hapless, poorly armed police constables, petty landlords
and traders, and an assorted category of ‘informers and traitors’.
Most notably, the category of ‘class enemies’ also included grass-root
cadres—not their leaders—of the parliamentary Left. In the states of
West Bengal and Andhra, where this campaign originated, the
parliamentary Left was typically the only organisation present at the
grass roots. The annihilation of these ‘class enemies’—typically,
middle peasants, school teachers, party wholetimers, etc—effectively
meant capturing of areas, by means of guns and knives, already under
the Left. To that end, the squads first targeted their own Maoist
fraternity who refused to subscribe to their murderous politics. After
the ‘renegades’ were silenced, the next target was cadres of CPI(M),
CPI, etc.

This ‘red terror’ basically led to the dismantling of democratic
movements in the erstwhile red bastions. In West Bengal, a neo-fascist
regime of the Congress Party won the elections handsomely and watched
the mutual killings of the Left with glee. Once the task was
accomplished, the government turned on the Maoists and the remaining
Left and white terror ruled West Bengal for five years. During the
nightmare, all forms of democratic movements virtually disappeared
from the state as lumpen youth accompanied by paramilitary forces
roamed the streets.

In time, almost all of the initiators of this campaign realised their
grave mistakes and those who survived encounters, long imprisonment,
and psychological collapse, returned to classical mass lines in a
variety of forms, including participation in the elections. However, a
fragment continued the murderous politics in the jungles of Andhra and
Bihar in the form of two organisations MCC and PWG, later unifying
into CPI (Maoist), as noted.

Two recent—and contrasting—events in the neighbourhood throw
significant light on the consequences of this brand of politics. In
Sri Lanka, a vast freedom movement of Tamil nationalism arose about
three decades ago. As the movement became progressively militant, it
gave rise to a formidable militarist organisation: Liberation Tigers
of Tamil Elam (LTTE). LTTE declared armed struggle, systematically
eliminated all other groups advocating Tamil liberation, took to the
jungles, and launched a civil war.

There were several rounds of ‘negotiations’ between the government and
the LTTE, often with international effort. LTTE refused to give up
arms and join the democratic process; thus, it used each pause in the
hostilities to consolidate its forces. After over 20 years of bloody
war with Sri Lankan security forces, resulting in incalculable
suffering of Tamil people, the LTTE was recently wiped out from Sri
Lanka. The calamity facilitated the emergence of a neo-fascist regime
in Colombo; it also left behind nearly a million hapless Tamil
refugees at the mercy of this government. With all moderate forces
from both the sides eliminated from the scene, the Tamil freedom
movement is now faced with a historical setback after over 1,00,000
deaths.

The Supreme Commander (cited above), whose organisation was trained in
guerrilla warfare by former commandos of LTTE, agrees with the
consequences:

‘There is no doubt that the movement for a separate sovereign Tamil
Eelam has suffered a severe setback with the defeat and considerable
decimation of the LTTE. The Tamil people and the national liberation
forces are now leaderless.’

But he puts the blame elsewhere:

‘The jingoistic rallies and celebrations organised by the government
and Sinhala chauvinist parties all over Sri Lanka in the wake of
Prabhakaran’s death and the defeat of the LTTE show the national
hatred for Tamils nurtured by Sinhala organisations and the extent to
which the minds of ordinary Sinhalese are poisoned with such
chauvinist frenzy.’

Nonetheless, he hopes that

‘the ground remains fertile for the resurgence of the Tamil liberation
struggle. Even if it takes time, the war for a separate Tamil Eelam is
certain to revive, taking lessons from the defeat of the LTTE.’

Although he is prepared to learn—perhaps, tactical—‘lessons’, he does
not seem to have any problems with the militarist, sectarian, and
exclusivist politics of the LTTE.

In sharp contrast, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN(M)) also
launched a civil war against a ruthless feudal monarchy protected by
the Royal Nepalese Army after all democratic methods failed. The war
lasted nearly a decade with the CPN(M)-directed People’s Liberation
Army dominating vast terrains of the country with massive popular
support. The basic point to note is that what CPN(M) strove for during
the armed struggle—Republic, Constituent Assembly, supremacy of the
Parliament created by universal franchise, etc.—India already has.
Once that was achieved in Nepal, a genuine armed struggle—far far
superior than anything Indian ‘Maoists’ have ever envisaged—was
immediately brought to a halt. CPN (M) proved its point by winning
over 40% of the seats in the interim Parliament after the Republic was
established. With this mandate in hand, innovative, peaceful but
militant processes were then adopted to broaden the democratic base
even in a context in which the possibility of a counter-revolution
orchestrated by the ousted monarch, the army and the ruling elites of
India loomed large.

The current impasse in Nepal is about the supremacy of the parliament
over the army. As the leader of CPN(M) Prachanda points out, the
democratic movement is at a crossroads due to this seminal conflict.
Indian republicanism addressed and solved that problem 60 years ago.

During the war, PWG—followed by CPI (Maoist)—maintained close contact
with CPN(M). But after the CPN(M) joined—in fact, established—the
democratic process in Nepal, the CPI (Maoist) does not find any
lessons to be learned. This time the blame is on CPN(M). As the
Supreme Commander puts it:

‘It is indeed a great tragedy that the CPN(M) has chosen to abandon
the path of protracted people’s war and pursue a parliamentary path in
spite of having de facto power in most of the countryside.’

In a letter to CPN(M), CPI (Maoist) ‘advised’ the former not to give
up armed struggle until the ‘old order’ is smashed and the CPN (M) is
able to seize power all by itself to usher in ‘new democratic
revolution’. However, the Supreme Commander remains optimistic since

‘given the great revolutionary traditions of the CPN(M), we hope that
the inner-party struggle will repudiate the right opportunist line
pursued by its leadership, give up revisionist stands and practices,
and apply minds creatively to the concrete conditions of Nepal.’

So, the statesman-like leadership of Prachanda is ‘revisionist’.

Beyond the bluster, it is not difficult to discern that, no matter
what, the CPI (Maoist) is not prepared to give up its fatal policies.
They are not open to any debates, no one can enter their ‘liberated
zones’ without unconditional support to their line. Like Prabhakaran
and his LTTE, having meticulously secured hideouts for themselves in
‘impregnable’ dense forests protected by squads armed with
sophisticated weapons, they are prepared to carry on ‘protracted war’
for many years before their inevitable decimation. In the process, not
only will the tribals under their control suffer immensely, it will
give the growingly authoritarian state a golden opportunity to smash
whatever avenues of hard-won democratic resistance still remain in
place.

As noted, the CPI (Maoist) has exactly two channels of ‘popular’
support: the tribals they control and a section of ‘radical’, urban
intelligentsia. It is the support of the latter that gives the CPI
(Maoist) significant propaganda mileage and a false impression of
invincibility and popular support. By posing the current military
preparations of the state only as a State vs. People conflict, the
statement you endorsed effectively exonerates the CPI (Maoist) and
plays into their hands.

Sincerely
Nirmalangshu Mukherji
Department of Philosopy
University of Delhi

Daily Mail
Latest First Oldest First HAVE YOUR SAY

Oct 23, 2009 04:07 PM
12 Mr.Nirmalangshu Mukherji

Please accept my congratulations for a superbly presented argument.

It all goes to prove that times will change but the nature of people
never will.Power and knowledge in the wrong hands has always led to
havoc and history has been witness to this on innumerable occasions.A
benevolent dictatorship is perhaps most well suited for everyone's
palate but this would be wishful thinking. In this day and age, a
democratic setup works best and while far from perfect it is certainly
a more palatable proposition than the ones presented by the so called
revolutionary minds.Guns and knives can never be replacements for
healthy debate if the objective is to have a progressive and all
inclusive society.
Shiv Adiseshan
Chennai, India

Oct 23, 2009 02:16 PM
11 I would like to point out to Mr Mukherji, that no one supports the
methods of the Maoists. But, were the circumstances totally
unreasonable to us, the non-Maoists, when Maoism was adopted by the
Maoists? Were we aware, that the problem of Naxalism, was going to be
hoisted on the administration of India? I am a deep admirer of Sri
Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, but does he keep an account of the workings
of the cadre of the CPI(M), his own party? If his cadres were doing
such a great job in West Bengal, then why are parts of West Bengal
under the writ of the Maoists? If people are anti-national, when they
point out the lackadaisical working of the government machinery then
may I point out, that the people in the government have encouraged
other people in India, to turn anti-national? How are the people in
government, any less, or more superior to the other people of India?
Is Mr Rahul Gandhi superior to the ordinary Indian, because he went to
Cambridge? Or because he is a member of parliament, who makes laws for
the other people of India? How is the government machinery superior to
the Republic of India? How does the opposition and the ruling
government justify the existence of India? I have deep respect for the
names I have mentioned, or at least, I mistake regard for respect.
Aditya Mookerjee
Belgaum, India

Oct 23, 2009 01:36 PM
10 Lalit to Senthamarai

Lalit you said it right.

This guy is a true low life and loyalist of LTTE, a well known violent
fascist organisation not known for compunctions whatsoever. This
organisation pursued its brand of agenda ruthlessly to eliminate the
adversary and grab power by means which we call fascist ways. The
funny thing is that as a sympathiser of such an organisation he calls
India fascist!! After LTTE is down, this guy in garb of a liberal- a
pseudo at that-is advertising its agenda here to win some converts.

Not realising that he himself is an incorrigible caste bigot he
denounces Brahmins/upper castes at every opportunity and repeatedly
calls India fascist. I wish India was really fascist as to identify
and locate such treasonous guys as Senthamarai and cut the balls off
to shove them in his mouth- as the fascists are known to do - for
propagating sedition and advocating break up of our motherland.
sandilya
Chennai, India

Oct 23, 2009 04:18 AM
9 senthamarai

you dislike the brahmins and upper castes because they
are better off then you.materially, intellectually
and in everything else.

failure has turned you into a blithering idiot, with crazy ideas of
revolution,

if you have the guts join the maoists.ofcource you will
not. you will keep on with your insane exhortations
to the maoists to fight and die, whilst you slink around in your
lungi , being a utter plague to your
family.
gayatri devi
delhi, India

Oct 23, 2009 03:08 AM
8 @KEL SHOREY,
Oh yeah? Chomsky & Arundhati are disgrace to academia? What academic
brilliance have you? You third rate scoundral, can't to comment on
policy?

Encouraging armed violence against half fed, half naked tribals has
become your passion. What kind of pervert are you?
Saraswathi
Zurich, Switzerland

Oct 23, 2009 03:08 AM
7 @KEL SHOREY,
Oh yeah? Chomsky & Arundhati are disgrace to academia? What academic
brilliance have you? You third rate scoundral, can't to comment on
policy?

Encouraging armed violence against half fed, half naked tribals has
become your passion. What kind of pervert are you?
Saraswathi
Zurich, Switzerland

Oct 23, 2009 03:01 AM
6 @ANWAAR bhai,
You don't seem to get it ANWAAR. Last 62 years of unabetted cruel
violence, facist beauracratic attitude of the Govt. in place of
dialogue, massive systematic economic deprivement and heaping of
injustice at every stage of life (on the tribals & poor farmers) has
given rise to Naxalism.

Peaceful agitations were crushed mercilessly. Every terrorist activity
was experimented (by the GoI) on the poorest of the poor. Hence the
armed rebellion.

Get the facts right before you comment. Do not blame the victims.
Saraswathi
Zurich, Switzerland

Oct 23, 2009 01:43 AM
5 I never cease to amaze at the uniformity of (self-centered and
deceptive) brahminical thought process among its 'elites' across the
political spectrum. What 'mukherjee' wrote here could have been easily
written by any RSS idealogue or Congress capitalist with few vets and
nixes.

For all his complains against maoists, can Mukherjee

1) show any shining achievement of their 'democratic struggle' in past
80 years even in CPM-ruled WB and kerala. People in these states are
still very casteist and brahminical hierarchy being as well entrenched
as ever. Neo-liberal capitalism is in full flow in these states under
the very aegis of mukherjee and his ilk.

2) Can he specify the 'democratically minded'-grassroots left's
significant achievements comparing with those real and material
achievements of Mayavatis, Annas, vokkaliggas and Marathas with more
strident and 'left-wise' parochial views of the their identity?

3) What has been the stand of CPM and Co. on the question of sub-
national SELF-DETERMINATION. Surely, Marx and Lenin will be turning in
their graves hearing pathetic excuses mouthed by CPM-Brahmins for the
continued racist and fascist killing of Kashmiris, sikhs, NEs, SCs,
STs and Eelam Tamils. At least CPI-Maoist are refreshingly very
consistent, marxist and non-brahminical in their approach to these
issues.

4) Where is the beef of the statement that Maoist are causing physical
harm to 'democratically minded' brahmin comrades and are sabotaging
from within. If you consider fighting against the brahminical-left
collusion with state repression as sabotaging, then why trouble Noam
Chomsky?

Methods of Maoists may be or may not appropriate for a successful
conclusion of the struggle but at least it is arsing from the people,
by the people and for the people unlike CPM which is from brahminical-
left-armchairs

Finally, Brahminical lies and rumour mongering are at display when
mukherjee talks about LTTE and derives faulty conclusions.

>>In Sri Lanka, a vast freedom movement of Tamil nationalism arose about three decades ago.

What is so vast about Tamils freedom movement in SL?
The only vastness is the creation of myriad of militant groups of
Tamils by Indian RAW to keep the whole Tamil liberation struggle
within the ambit of Brahminical-Indian strategic game for South Asia.
Once LTTE called the bluff of Indian gameplan, 'the vast freedom
movements' came into play by targeting the LTTE specifically. LTTE
came out with flying colours in this game where all the rules were set
by India and SL.

It is very similar to Netaji taking help of fascist Japan and Nazist
Germany to kill Colonial Indian army consisting of Indians. If
gandhi's congress stood in the way and endangered INA, Netaji would
not have minded bulldozing it as he bulldozed Indian army.

>> As the movement became progressively militant, it gave rise to a ......

Mukherjee in wonderland history

>> systematically eliminated all other groups advocating Tamil liberation,

It is the fascist-India and racist-SL which denied any political and
physical space to LTTE and other independents, which forced LTTE to go
underground.

>>took to the jungles,
More appropriate would be that they were pushed to the jungles.

>> and launched a civil war.
Civil war was launched long ago by 'vast freedom strugglers' with the
blessings of Indira Gandhi. LTTE took the civil war to the highest
level of creating a de-facto state of North and East. If only for BJP
had not prevented LTTE taking back Jaffna in Circa 2000 (by
positioning 30 thousand Indian soldiers on standby at our southern tip
and by encouraging SL to buy sophisticated weapons from Pakistan),
Tamils would have attained their eelam nation by now. Again, mukherjee
displays that his views are not far away from his brahmin counterparts
in khaki chaddis.

>>LTTE refused to give up arms

Why should it give up arms? Why should Sinhala only army have arms but
not Tamils

>> and join the democratic process;
Which democratic process. Unbeatable racist-majority of Sinhalas.
Tamils as a community rejected it 1978 elections.

>>thus, it used each pause in the hostilities to consolidate its forces.

Exactly what sinhala-racists and pseudo-left (JVP) will tell you. Now
we know what Mukherjee stands for. Where is the material proof for
your accusations anyways? Does Mukherjee denounces all forms of armed
struggle at all? So accordingly Mukherjee, Tamils rather should take
Sinhala bullets willingly without fight (as they did till 1975). why
should LTTE not arm themselves whem SL state was arming to the teeth
with help of mukherjee alikes.

>>incalculable suffering of Tamil people, the LTTE was recently wiped out from Sri Lanka.

Crocodile tears of an brahmin. Ask any tamil from SL, he will tell
that LTTE was their only protector. With demonising of Tamils' armed
struggle with help of mukherjees and Tams (and its consequences) are
complete, now sinhala racism has no boundaries to subjugate and wipe
out Tamils.

>> The calamity facilitated the emergence of a neo-fascist regime in Colombo;

Who cares if Sinhalas are having neo-fascist of left-fascist
governments as long as they are duly and democratically elected by
Sinhalas. The only question for the Mukherjee is: how can you
shamelessly wash off your genocidal culpability of strengthening the
rascist-Sinhala by throwing blame the again on self-defending Tamils?

>> With all moderate forces from both the sides eliminated from the scene,

There NEVER were any moderates from Sinhala side (having any decent
base). There are/were only naked sinhala-racist (JVP, & JHU) or
sophisticated-sinhala racists (SLFP, UNP).

In tamils side moderates were ruling roost till 1975 and they sold out
Tamil rights to protect their rich and burgeois life-style in Colombo.
These moderates were sidelined after 1977 vadukkodai resolution for
Tamil independence and subsequent electoral approval of it by Tamils.

>> the Tamil freedom movement is now faced with a historical setback after over 1,00,000 deaths.

TAMILS DEFINITELY NEED NO FAKE SYMPATHY FROM MUKHERJEE et.al. We will
be better off, if you just stay neutral and get out of their lives.

>> he does not seem to have any problems with the militarist, sectarian, and exclusivist politics of the LTTE.

Brahminical lying again. Show us the exclusivist politics of Tamils or
LTTE? If Tamil nation basis of LTTE struggle is wrong then Indian
Independence struggle is also 'sectarian, and exclusivist politics'
against whites and same is the case with Israel-palestine. Why not
palestinians just live under Israel? Why should Mukherjee fail to
write on PLO, Hamas and Hezbollah on similar viens? From hindsight,
Indian independence struggle is also casteist. LTTE was just fighting
for their fundamental right to identity and SELF-DETERMINATION.

In sum, Brahamin elites and their loyal followers are incorrigible and
neo-brahminism (both rightist and leftist variety) is poision whose
roots needs to struck at and obliterated.
Senthamarai
Chennai, India

Oct 22, 2009 08:59 PM
4 "If the dignitaries who have signed the petition can use their
influence to get the Naxalites to renounce violence and to surrender
their arms, a dialogue, a massive economic upliftment program and
redressal of the various injustices cited should become obligatory on
the government."

If the Naxals are responding to years of neglect of healthcare,
education and infrastructure, then they should form a political party
that will contest elections on the basis of supporting/creating these
features. Their resort to violent insurrection and killings of even
the poor, show that they are up to something else.
Varun Shekhar
Toronto, CANADA

Oct 22, 2009 07:03 PM
3 Wow!!! Chomsky is concerned about the poorest of the poor.
Touche!!!!!

I am just wondering what made the great Chomsky change his position.
Just two years back, he supported the West bengal govt's brutal
suppression in Nandigram. And the excuse he gave was classic-the left
of the world should unite. That excused away police repression in
Nandigram.

But when the left unity is not threatened, I guess one is free to
worry about the poorest of the poor.
Ganesan
Nj, USA

Oct 22, 2009 02:47 PM
2 People like Prof. Chomsky,Arundhati Rai, et el. are a disgrace to
academia as they have no brain cells to think logically and
rationally. Before the monster of Naxalite becomes unmanagable, it has
got to be wiped out NOW so that it does not raise its ugly head
again.
Three Cheers for PC!!!
Kel Shorey
Glasgow, United Kingdom

Oct 22, 2009 10:53 AM
1 The list of Sanhati signatories consisting of academics and
activists is long and impressive. While the grievances of the Maoists
may be legitimate, once an armed insurrection is started taking the
lives of thousands of civilians and policemen, the government has no
choice but to put down the insurrection with whatever resources it has
at its disposal. If the dignitaries who have signed the petition can
use their influence to get the Naxalites to renounce violence and to
surrender their arms, a dialogue, a massive economic upliftment
program and redressal of the various injustices cited should become
obligatory on the government.
Anwaar
Dallas, United States

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-23 15:46:40 UTC
Permalink
http://www.ptinews.com/news/344482_Voters-defy-naxals-in-Gadchiroli-district

Voters defy naxals in Gadchiroli district
STAFF WRITER 17:51 HRS IST

Nagpur, Oct 23 (PTI) The voters in naxal-infested and tribal-dominated
Gadchiroli district in eastern Maharashtra have defied naxals's call
not to vote and turned out in large numbers to exercise their right,
government officials said.

Huge voter turnouts were recorded on the polling day on October 13,
they added. The overall percentage in Gadchiroli district, comprising
three Assembly constituencies, was 67.23 per cent including 70.35 per
cent of male voters which was much better than Nagpur.

The district headquaters itself recorded 65.8 per cent (67.68 male,
62.35 female) while Armouri recorded a highest of 70.42 per cent
(73.43 male, 67.26 female) and Aheri registered 66.42 per cent polling
(62.50 male, 65.8 female).

A total of 4,26,453 voters including 1,98,962 women had exercised
their franchise out of 6,34,344 voters (3,10,967 women) in the
district during the polls. Twenty-two polling booths where repolling
was conducted, also witnessed record turnout.

Bhagwanpur recorded 82.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-23 18:21:31 UTC
Permalink
http://www.indopia.in/India-usa-uk-news/latest-news/690277/National/1/20/1

Deployment of addi' forces creates fear - Soren
Published: October 23,2009

Ranchi , Oct 23 JMM today criticised deployment of additional para-
military forces in Jharkhand ahead of assembly elections and said it
had created a sense of fear among the people.

"A sense of fear is being built up in the state by deploying such
forces in the name of anti-naxal operations,"JMM leader and Rajya
Sabha member, Hemant Soren said.

" What message the union home minister and the governor intend to send
among the people of Jharkhand ahead of the assembly elections,"asked
Hemant, son of JMM chief Shibu Soren.

The five-phase assembly election in the state will begin from November
27.

Union Home Minister P Chidambaram had announced in Ranchi yesterday
that the Election Commission requested for additional security forces
to conduct elections peacefully in the naxal-infested state. PTI PVR
PR

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-24 04:49:33 UTC
Permalink
http://www.hindustantimes.com/News-Feed/india/Lemon-tea-and-biscuits-in-Maoist-heartland/Article1-468590.aspx

Lemon tea and biscuits in Maoist heartland
Snigdhendu Bhattacharya, Hindustan Times
Jhargram, October 24, 2009

First Published: 00:05 IST(24/10/2009)
Last Updated: 00:06 IST(24/10/2009)

The cars were not allowed to go any further. Mobile phones were
switched off, about 60 of them, and kept in a bag that was stashed
away in the boot of a car. The photographers had to switch off their
cameras and cover the lenses.

Only one reporter had his phone switched on to receive further
instructions.

We were all in the heart of West Bengal countryside, a team of
journalists summoned by a top Naxalite leader to witness the release
of a police officer abducted after a Maoist raid on a police station
more than two days ago. The Maoist military chief had personally
called up reporters — I got mine at 2:30 a.m. — saying they were about
to release their first “Prisoner of War”. It was spine chilling.

“We will release Atindranath Dutta before the media. Please come,”
Kishenji had said, before handing over his phone to the POW.

“I am anxious to meet my family. But I am fine. They have treated me
well,” Dutta told me. I could hardly catch any sleep. It was about 8
am when Kishenji called me again.

“We are in the middle of a gun battle,” he said. “We still intend to
release the POW and keep our side of the deal but cannot be held
responsible if anything happens to him.”

It was around 1.30 p.m. when my colleague Subhendu Ghosh and I reached
Jhargram. We headed for the hotel where a large media contingent had
gathered.

From Jhargram, we travelled in a convoy of nine vehicles for about an
hour and reached Gohamidanga, 250 km from Kolkata located somewhere
between Dharampur and Lalgarh.

Then the phones were collected. We were frisked.

A two-kilometre trek through rough terrain, past two villages, brought
us to the Gohamidanga High School grounds.

The media team waited patiently as villagers served lemon tea and
biscuits. There was already a nip in the air. But all hell broke loose
at the sight of a familiar figure.

Kishenji, surrounded by four armed guerrillas, had walked in with his
face uncovered. The photographers lensmen could not resist the
temptation and started clicking away. But they were quickly rounded up
and Kishenji got hold of three photographers who had managed to focus
on his face. The photographs were quickly deleted.

Then, in the rural heartland, a press meet began. The officer was
being released because he had never tortured any villager and even ran
a school, said Kishenji. “But since Union Home Minister P Chidambaram
has declared a war on us, every prisoner we take from now on will be a
prisoner of war,” he added.

And then, the prisoner was brought.

Dutta was smiling. A poster pinned to his chest read, Bandi Mukti
Sammelan (PoW release ceremony).

“If the government thinks that it has control over this region then it
is time for a review. The government should think of development in
this area,” said Dutta, as the flashlights blinded him after 55 hours
in captivity.

Kishenji removed the poster from Dutta’s shirt.

“By setting him free, we have shown that we don’t want violence. Now
think of what the government had done to the local people and poor
tribals. So who is the real perpetrator of violence? From now on we
will take war prisoners at every opportunity,” said Kishenji.

The weary officer trudged to a waiting car to head home. The rebel
commander waved to us and vanished into the darkness.

...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
2009-10-24 16:31:55 UTC
Permalink
http://ajadhind.wordpress.com/2009/10/24/an-open-letter-to-all-print-and-electronic-media-in-portraying-maoist-revolutionaries-as-terrorists-and-naxal%E2%80%99s-india%E2%80%99s-taliban/

An open letter to all print and electronic media in portraying Maoist
revolutionaries as Terrorists and NAXAL’S India’s Taliban?

Posted by ajadhind on October 24, 2009

All sorts of criminal activities including murders and rapes which
occur, including many carried out by fascist gangs organized by the
big landlords, or even by the “security forces” themselves, are
falsely blamed on the CPI(Maoist). One recent case in point is the
Amousi Massacre

1.The Amousi Massacre — On or about Sept. 29, 2009, a criminal gang
killed 16 people, including 5 children, in the village of Amousi (or
Amausi, or Icharwa-Amousi) in Bihar’s Khagaria District. This massacre
was immediately blamed on the “Maoists” by the government and media.
The articles below include just a few of the barrage of false
accusations, and then a few articles with grudging admissions that
later appeared which showed that the whole attribution of the crime to
the CPI(Maoist) was a complete fabrication. Of course these eventual
admissions received far less publicity than the initial lies, and
moreover they also include new unsupported or false accusations!

“India Must Check Maoist Menace”, an editorial from the Gulf News,
Oct. 2, 2009.
“Maoist Rebels Kill 16 Villagers in Eastern India”, AFP, Oct. 2,
2009.
“Land Row Sparks Maoist Carnage in Bihar”, Hindustan Times, Oct. 2,
2009.
“Doesn’t Look Like Our Op, Says Top Maoist”, The Times of India, Oct.
4, 2009.
Police Now Admit that Bihar Killers were Criminals, Not Maoists,
Hindustan Times, Oct. 4, 2009.
“Carnage is Work of Goons, says Naxalite”, The Times of India, Oct. 6,
2009.
2.General Articles on Disinformation About the Indian Revolution and
the Maoists

“PC [P. Chidambaram] Becomes the Flaming Arrowhead [against the
Maoists], The Telegraph Oct. 11, 2009. This article speaks openly
about the orchestration of a “gathering storm” of propaganda and
psychological warfare in preparation for the launching of the military
war against the Maoists.

This blame game propaganda & psychological warfare tactics against the
Maoists by the government and the police were there on earlier
occasions too whenever a Maoist leader was arrested are killed in
‘encounters’ as claimed by the police. The arrest of Kobad Gandhy came
to light only after three days on 21st September in print media. Then
on it was the job of print & electronic media to drum-beat police
version. After my arrest on 19th December 2007, Sessions court while
dismissing my bail petition parroted the police version ….. if the
confession of the petitioner as borne out by the case diary files was
anything to go by, he was a life convict for having murdered his wife.
This was drum-beated by the print & electronic media. The Hindu
(India’s National newspaper) dated 8th January,2008. (My wife is very
well alive in Hyderabad)

From the beginning of the first week of October 2009 this blame game
propaganda & psychological warfare tactics against the Maoists by the
government and the police were further intensified after the alleged
beheading of a police officer Francis Induwar in the print &
electronic media by portraying NAXAL’S India’s Taliban?

Dear pressmen & TV channel hoisters,

Aam aadhmi janthe hein ki “dho rupye ki moongpali bejkhar jeenewalon
kho be ye khaki vardhiwale nahin chodthein, unse be dhus rupye
lethein. Ye khakiardhiwale aam janata ke surakaksha ke liye nahin,
balki hume thung karnewale hein”.

General public knows very well that these men in khaki never leave
even the people who make their livelihood by selling two rupees worth
ground nut, take Rs 10/= from them too. They are not for our security;
their only job was to harass the people.

You must ask yourself; or else conduct a survey on how many were able
to digest your news and how many Indians are fond of policemen? From
Kashmir to Kanyakumari, every Indian deeply mistrusts the average
policeman. The average cop is corrupt. He is obese. He is insane with
power…. In the eyes of the tribals who are fighting for their
livelihood the police are nothing but terrorist in khaki; if one of
them gets beheaded, they think it’s no big deal. Such logic does not
equate the Maoists with the Taliban as both their aims and ideologies
differ. How can a Prime Minister of a ‘democratic’ country say while
dealing with Maoists there may be human rights violation? By such
saying does he want the peoples’ approval for the misdeeds of police?
He knows very well that he won’t able to tame the lawlessness of the
police. One won’t find a single Naxalite or a Maoist if the
lawlessness of the Indian Police are tamed and made to serve the
people honestly.

After the brutal torture and killing many a revolutionary leaders and
cadres by capturing them from somewhere and killing them elsewhere in
fake encounters and after a series of legal struggles by human rights
activists the full bench of The AP High Court in its historic judgment
made it mandatory for the police to file an FIR and register a case
under Sec 302 of the IPC on every encounters by the police. It is for
the police to prove in the court of law that they fired in self
defense. Instead of the AP State government, The Police Officer’s
Association filed an appeal and stayed the operation of the judgment.
In May 2009 Patel Sudhakar Reddy CCM of CPI (Maoists) was picked up
from Nashik brutally tortured and killed in Warangal 800 KMs away in
fake encounter. Human Rights activists probing fake encounters and
police excesses were branded as Maoists with human rights mask. Many a
human rights activists to name a few Dr. Ramanatam, Dr. Narayan,
Purushottam. Azam Ali, Kalra, Parag Kumar Dass were murdered by the
mercenary gangs of the state. Belly Lalitha a cultural activist’s body
was found in 17 pieces.

Justice AN Mulla has correctly said, “There is not a single lawless
group in the whole of the country whose record of crimes comes
anywhere near the record of that organized unit which is known as the
Indian Police”.

CPI (Maoist) party is the only party in Indian history that owned the
responsibility of any of its acts and if any mistakes are committed by
the party it apologized to the public. Before getting the version of
the party on the incident, print & electronic media started portraying
NAXAL’S India’s Taliban?

In India more than 50% of the print and electronic media are owned
either directly or indirectly by political parties. Another 40% are
pressurized to toe the lines of the government in power. The remaining
10% who does a true and fair reporting faces the wrath of the
government in power. Sakshi TV chaneel owned by YS Rajasekhara Reddy’s
son continued to mislead public by saying YSR’s copter landed safely
at Kurnool and the CM is safe till the evening. The other TV channels
have no other option other than to follow. He owns a newspaper too in
the name of Sakshi. Even Madhavan Nair’s satellite was unable to track
the debris of the copter.

The CPI (Maoists) has abducted many a policemen on earlier occasions
and set them free un-harmed. It was during the period of blame game,
propaganda & psychological warfare tactics against the Maoists by the
government and the police the news regarding the alleged beheading of
the police officer Francis Induwar broke out. The Maoist party to the
alleged beheading of the police officer has not come out with its
official version of the incident. There were conflicting reports both
in print and electronic media regarding the demands put forth by
Maoists for the release of abducted police officer. Home Minister
P.Chidambaram saying that no demands were put forth by the Maoists.
Jharkhand government (President’s rule) rejecting the demands of the
Maoists. Some media reported that the killing was done before putting
forth the demands. Police officer Induwar’s wife has gone on record by
saying the government did not care for her husband’s life for six days
after the abduction. She further added that they searched AP Chief
Minister’s body within 24 hours. There were no communication between
the Maoists and the government. The Maoists too learnt lessons from
the arrest of Chatradar Mahato being arrested by policemen posing as
journalists. Unlike the government they don’t have prisons to hold the
captives.

Like Francis Induwar many of those thousands of Sikhs burnt alive by
Congress barbarians with tyres around their neck have wife and
children. Many of those thousands of Muslims burnt alive by Modi’s
goons have wife and children. There are many untold stories of police
atrocities. People of this country are aware of the misdeeds of
politicians and the police. People of this country can not and won’t
digest your print & electronic media portraying Maoists as terrorists
or NAXAL’S India’s Taliban? As more and more people are being pushed
towards Maoist politics due to failed democratic process and police
repression all these 62 years of so-called Independence the anger
expressed by Francis Induwar’s son on the print and electronic media
that he will join police and fight Maoists has no effect on general
public. I too have three boys like Francis Induwar. If you approach my
three children and reveal the story published in Mathrubhumi weekly
dated 3rd February 2008 & Madhyamam weekly dated 10th March 2008 and
if they come to know how their mother was brutally tortured in police
custody they too like Francis Induwar’s son say, We will leave our
lurative jobs and join Maoists and kill hundreds of police officers”.
Will you air their anger and expressions in the print and against the
politicians and the police.

The Maoists have not landed from some other planets or country to
destroy India. They are part and parcel of Indian blood.

The arrest of comrade Kobad Ghandy is being touted as a big success of
the Intelligence officials and media portraying him as terrorist.
3,000 years back Gautam Buddha left the kingly pleasures and said,
Desire is the cause of all sufferings. Desire should be abolished”.
150 years back Karl Marx came out with his scientific theory, “Private
property is the cause of all sufferings. Private property should be
abolished”. For the people of this country Kobad Gandhy is a Buddha of
modern age. He hails from a rich, elitist background. Interestingly
was the class mate of Sanjay Gandhi at Doon school. Both the Gandhis
went to London. One joined in Rolse Royse as apprentice. The other
Gandhy at Oxford University. Both Gandhis returned to India. One
Gandhy left his heavenly pleasures from a giant sea facing house in
Worli, joined revolutionary politics and worked among the poorest of
the poor (dalits & adivasis). The other Gandhi entered the daughters
bedrooms of Army, Navy and Air Force Officers. This Gandhi entered
the Doordarshan Kendra on 25th June 1975 with a video cassette of the
film Bobby and asked the Director to broadcast Bobby canceling the
scheduled programmes to prevent the people from attending JP’s
meeting. This Gandhi ordered PS Bhinder Police Commisioner to bulldoze
Turkman Gate residents. This Gandhi under his five point programme
forcible sterilization targeting Muslim population. The other Gandhy
(Kobad) married Anuradha (An M Phil Sociologist) both leaving their
heavenly life and worked among the poorest of the poor, dalits and
adivais for their up-liftment. People close to him know that Anuradha
wanted a child. But it was Kobad who was against this saying having a
child will be an hindrance to revolutionary work. It was this Gandhi
being portrayed as a big terrorist.

People’s March thanks Shoma Chaudhury of ‘Tehelka’ for the cover story
“Weapons of Mass Destruction” dated 3rd October, 2009 in giving a
diplomatic bashing for the ‘Times Now’ TV anchor Arnab Goswami for his
aggressive rhetoric against the Maoists and for the report.

People’s March thanks Aditya Sinha Editer-in-chief of ‘The New Indian
Express’ for editorial “Cowboy and Red Indians” dated 10th October,
2009.

Dear journalists from print and electronic media,

“They can pluck and destroy all the flowers. They can’t hold back the
spring”.

So carries my humble appeal to the print and electronic media not to
succumb to pressures of the corrupt government and the police
officers.

P.Govindan kutty

Editor, People’s March 18th October 2009

...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
2009-10-25 10:12:18 UTC
Permalink
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/What-Muslims-were-to-BJP-Maoists-are-to-Congress-Arundhati-Roy/articleshow/5159882.cms

Congress: Arundhati Roy
PTI 25 October 2009, 02:30pm IST

NEW DELHI: Supporting unconditional talks with the Maoists, Booker
prize winner and activist Arundhati Roy has alleged that "economic
interests" in mineral-rich states have driven the government and
establishment to launch action against them.

"My fear is that because of this economic interest the government and
establishment actually needs a war. It needs to militarise. For that
it needs an enemy. And so in a way what the Muslims were to BJP, the
Maoists are to Congress...," Roy said in an interview to a TV news
channel.

When asked about the talks between the government and left wing
extremists, she said, "There should be unconditional talks with the
Maoists.

"If I was a person who is being dispossessed, whose wife has been
raped, who is being pushed of their land and who is being faced with
this 'police force', I would say that I am justified in taking up
arms. If that is the only way I have to defend myself," she said when
asked whether armed struggle was justified.

"We should stop thinking about who is justified...You have an army of
very poor people being faced down by an army of rich that are
corporate-backed. I am sorry but it is like that. So you can't extract
morality from the heinous act of violence that each commits against
the other," she said.

...and I am Sid Harth
chhotemianinshallah
2009-10-20 12:55:25 UTC
Permalink
http://news.outlookindia.com/item.aspx?668056

Maoists Kill Police Officer, Abduct 2 in WB
Midnapore | Oct 20, 2009

Maoists shot dead a police officer and kidnapped two others, including
the officer-in-charge and looted arms and ammunition from the Sankrail
police station in West Midnapore district today where anti-Maoist
operations have been continuing.

At least 50 armed Maoists, including women, rode up on motorbikes to
the police station in Jhargram subdivision where Lalgarh is also
located, and opened fire killing the second officer Dibakar
Bhattacharya and kidnapped officer-in-charge Atindranath Dutta and an
assistant sub-inspector Swapan Roy, the police said.

They also looted all the arms and ammunition in the police station,
they said.

"We have received information that there has been an attack on the
Sankrail police station by Maoists. The officer-in-charge was
abducted. We are trying to get the details," Inspector General of
Police (Western Range) Kuldeep Singh said.

Director General of Police Bhupinder Singh who was at Midnapore town
for a meeting with district officials rushed to the spot along with IG
(Western Range) and Superintendent of Police Manoj Kumar Verma.

Maoist leader Kishenji claimed responsibility for the attack and the
kidnap of the officers and warned the police to stay put or the
kidnapped officers would be beheaded.

...and I am Sid Harth
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